scholarly journals Trigo y política: El proteccionismo cerealista en el Parlamento, 1886-1890

Author(s):  
José-María Serrano Sanz ◽  
Marcela Sabaté ◽  
Carmen Fillat

This paper studies the channels through which the agrarian crisis (1886-1890) arrived in the Spanish Parliament and, once there, centered the economic debate until an increase of protectionism was passed. The analysis of the roll-call votes on agrarian customs that took place in those years allows to identify, narrative and quantitatively, the line-up of congressmen according to partisan guides, but, also, according to the economic interests, agrarian interests here, of the provinces that they represented. Interestingly, the Parliamentary dynamics that the agrarian crisis revealed supports the idea of those who see in the Bourbon Restauration a regime where decision-making resulted from the interaction between the economic and political powers.

Author(s):  
Breen Creighton ◽  
Catrina Denvir ◽  
Richard Johnstone ◽  
Shae McCrystal ◽  
Alice Orchiston

This concluding chapter considers how Australian pre-strike ballot requirements reflect the explicit (furthering industrial democracy) and implicit (inhibiting strike action) objectives that underpinned their introduction. After summarizing the practical operation and impact of the statutory requirements, the chapter describes stakeholder perceptions of the system in practice and in principle, and their views as to how it should be reformed. In conclusion, the chapter suggests the removal of the requirement under the Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth) for a union to apply to an industrial tribunal for permission to run a ballot. It advocates the replacement of the current complex model with a requirement that union rules contain provision for a ballot of members as a pre-condition of taking strike action, with the lawfulness of any subsequent strike being conditional upon being approved in such a ballot and subject to challenge only by the members of that union. So far as union members are concerned, this would do little more than accord formal recognition to the non-legislated democratic processes that are already the norm in Australian unions, but it would at least provide a basis for meaningful, democratic decision-making in relation to taking strike action. As such it would constitute a welcome repudiation of what the chapter describes as the hypocritical posturing that underpins current legislation in Australia (and the United Kingdom) which uses the rhetoric of democracy to deprive workers of their democratic right to take strike action to protect and to promote their legitimate social and economic interests.


1991 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-30
Author(s):  
Virginia Curtin Knight

A realignment of economic interests in Zimbabwe is fueling broad-based demands for an open, democratic, multiparty society. The shift in alignment comes as a result of the ruling party’s failure to meet the needs and expectations of the majority of Zimbabweans in the eleven years since independence. Under the leadership of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), headed by President Robert Mugabe, the government adopted socialism guided by Marxist-Leninist principles as its ideological philosophy. The socialist agenda, coupled with cumbersome, centralized decision-making by a bloated bureaucracy, discouraged domestic and foreign investment and stymied employment growth.


Author(s):  
Shawn M. Powers ◽  
Michael Jablonski

This chapter examines how multistakeholder institutions reflect dominant political and/or economic interests, arguing that the discourse of multistakeholderism is used to legitimize arrangements benefiting powerful, established actors like the United States and its robust Information and Communication Technology (ICT) sector. After a brief discussion of what is actually at stake in debates over internet governance, the chapter provides an overview of the origins and theory of the multistakeholder process. It then considers how seemingly participatory, inclusive, and consensus-driven decision-making structures provide legitimacy for existing political and economic interests by using three case studies: ICANN, the Internet Society (ISOC), and the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF). It shows that, by incentivizing inclusion and consensus, multistakeholder processes risk stifling legitimate dissent from external actors who have no interest in lending legitimacy to the facade of an apolitical negotiation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 573-582
Author(s):  
Anne Marie Thow ◽  
Raphael Lencucha ◽  
K. Srinath Reddy

Non-communicable diseases are the major cause of death and disability globally, but are largely preventable. The five major modifiable risk factors are tobacco use, alcohol use, unhealthy diets, physical inactivity, and air pollution—all of which have a strong environmental component. Implementation of policy to address non-communicable diseases (NCDs), however, has focused on individual responsibility rather than creating supportive environments for health promotion and NCD prevention, in part because of industry influence. A political economy perspective is helpful in considering how economic interests intersect with political decisions to shape the environments in which individuals live. When ‘environments of risk’ are considered from a political economy perspective, it enables us to critically assess sociopolitical factors that generate product environments characterized by health-harming products, built environments that condition physical inactivity over physical activity, and marginalization of pollution reduction. The enormous size and reach of these ‘industries of risk’ translates into significant political power. Industry actively exerts power in formal decision-making forums (‘decision-making power’), shapes the agenda in political debates (‘non-decision-making power’), and exercises ideological power in ways that are contrary to NCD prevention. Despite the power wielded by industry interests in the policy process, there has been innovation and meaningful policy change for NCD prevention. Key strategies include: assembling strong, local evidence to underpin policy; developing strong coalitions of actors with public health interests; preparing for push-back from industry; and developing specific proposals for healthier economic policy.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew D. Martin

To what extent does the separation of powers affect congressional roll call voting behavior? To answer this question, I offer a strategic model of congressional decision making that asserts members of Congress pursue public policy goals when casting roll call votes. From the equilibrium predictions of a formal model, I generate testable hypotheses by computing the expected net amount of sophisticated (nonsincere) congressional behavior given changes in decision context. I test the predictions of the theoretical model with data from all civil rights roll call votes from the 83d to the 102d Congress. The results demonstrate that both the other legislative chamber and the Supreme Court profoundly constrain House members and senators when casting roll call votes. This is strong evidence of the importance of policy outcomes to members of Congress when voting on the floor.


1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Edgar Lockwood

Judging by public tone, style, and ideological emphasis alone, the casual observer of U.S. foreign policy is impressed by the novelty of the Carter Administration’s approach toward Southern Africa. Kissinger had stressed America’s tangible interests, sought alliances with ideological “enemies” to advance or at least to protect those interests, and operated a clever, manipulative and secretive diplomacy with calculated ambiguity. The Carter Administration now seems to espouse once more American ideals and principles, open diplomacy for announced clearly-stated objectives, and decision-making by consent. But what is really involved is a reversion to the active use of ideology and salesmanship to manage its political and economic interests. It is of a piece with “helping our little brown brothers” in Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Philippines, making the world “safe for democracy” and saving Vietnam from Communism.


1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 1143-1164 ◽  
Author(s):  
John E. Jackson ◽  
David C. King

We estimate a model of House members' roll call voting decisions embodying some hypotheses about representation, including estimates of the influence of district opinion on broad collective issues relative to personal economic interests, of the effect of electoral security on constituency responsiveness, and of the difference in constituency and party voting among Republicans and Democrats. This model is estimated with votes taken during deliberations on the 1978 Tax Reform Act, important because it was a significant change from the tax reforms passed in the late 1960s and 1970s, marked the first appearance of the Kemp-Roth proposed tax cut, and represented a concerted effort by Republicans to make tax policy a broad national issue. Findings indicate that constituent preferences for redistribution are important influences on representatives' decisions and that Republicans exhibited a greater degree of party voting than the Democrats while the Democrats better represented their constituent's preferences.


Author(s):  
Danielle L Lupton

Abstract Scholars across international relations (IR) debate the role military experience plays in elite decision-making. I argue there are two critical problems with this debate. First, it fails to adequately consider the underlying mechanisms linking military service to elite policy preferences. Second, it narrowly focuses on the use of force and largely ignores other ways in which military experience may shape elite behavior. I employ vulnerability to the Vietnam draft lottery to disentangle the impact of two key mechanisms linking military service to elite preferences: self-selection and socialization. I compare the foreign and defense policy roll call votes of Members of Congress (MCs) in the House of Representatives across the 94th–113th Congresses who were eligible for the draft and served in the military to those who were eligible for the draft but did not serve. I find significant differences in the roll call voting behavior between these groups, particularly on issues associated with arming and defense budget restrictions, as well as broader oversight of the military. These effects are heightened for MCs who served on active duty, in the military longer, and in combat, providing strong support for socialization effects. My study carries implications for civil–military relations, elite decision-making, and the study of leaders in IR.


2002 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric W. Orts ◽  
Alan Strudler

Abstract:We argue that though stakeholder theory has much to recommend it, particularly as a heuristic for thinking about business firms properly as involving the economic interests of other groups beyond those of the shareholders or other equity owners, the theory is limited by its focus on the interests of human participants in business enterprise. Stakeholder theory runs into intractable philosophical difficulty in providing credible ethical principles for business managers in dealing with some topics, such as the natural environment, that do not directly involve human beings within a business firm or who engage in transactions with a firm. Corporate decision-making must include an appreciation of these ethical values even though they cannot be captured in stakeholder theory.


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