scholarly journals Gubernia Control Commission of the RCP (B) Fighting the Disintegration of Party Organizations in 1921–23: Archival Materials of the Vyatka Gubernia

2021 ◽  
pp. 482-495
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin ◽  

The article draws on archival materials from the Central State Archive of the Kirov Region to analyze the activities of the Vyatka Gubernia Control Commission of the RCP (B) in 1921–23 directed against the collapse of party organizations of the gubernia. The author pursues two tasks: identifying the commission staff and determining its methods. The novelty of the research is determined by the fact that in 1921, following the introduction of the new economic policy, many party members found the abrupt change of course intolerable, which led to a crisis and collapse of entire party organizations. Recently, there have been published a lot of works on various aspects of the control commissions’ activities, but their activities directed against collapse of entire party organizations haven’t yet been investigated. The research is based on archival material and uses principle of historicism and historical institutionalism. The Vyatka Gubernia Control Commission was established in August 1921 in connection with the first general purge. Its first membership did take decisive action, having no relevant experience and busy with Soviet work. But as the situation in the party organizations deteriorated, the 19th Gubernia Party Conference (February 1922) decided to regard the commission staff most seriously. The new commission included Nikolai Agalakov, Ivan Babintsev, Gusev as its members, D. Zobnin as a candidate, and Sitnikov as an investigator. In 1922–23 the meetings of the commission repeatedly discussed the state of the party organizations and Soviet apparatus of the Kotelnich, Nolinsk, Malmyzh, Orlov, Slobodskoi, Soviet, Urzhumsk districts, and of other party organizations. The major shortcomings were identified: collapse of internal party work, failing discipline, abuse and corruption, drunkenness, squabbles, and resignations from the party. The peculiarity of this period was such that these shortcomings became widespread and threatened entire organizations. Members of the Vyatka gubCC got busy; relying on the party committees and organs of the Cheka-OGPU, they were able to stop the process of organizational disintegration by 1924. The analysis of the activities of the Vyatka gubCC has showed that it became an effective tool in overcoming the collapse of party organizations and in strengthening discipline. This happened only after the commission was staffed with experienced, disciplined, and energetic local staff. While reviewing the commission's activities, it has become apparent that the most effective methods of its work were field meetings, purges of the entire organizations, transfer of guilty party members, imposition of various party penalties (up to exclusion from the party).

2019 ◽  
pp. 458-466
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin ◽  

The article draws on archival materials of the State Archive of the Kirov Region and those of the State Archive of Social and Political History of the Kirov Region to examine the development of uezd organizations of the ARCP (B) in the Vyatka gubernia in late 1918 and the first half of 1919. In late 1918 the Vyatka gubernia became the Civil War battleground. When Perm was taken, the White Guard began to threaten Vyatka. Meanwhile, the political situation in the gubernia was tense; peasants, townspeople, and workers had their grievances against the Bolshevik policies. The existing uezd organizations of the ARCP (B) were unprepared to work in the immediate battle area. Fearing for the fate of the Eastern front, the Central Committee of the party sent a commission to Vyatka headed by Stalin and Dzerzhinsky. It was to carry out a wide range of measures to reorganize party and Soviet work. The power was taken by the Military Revolutionary Committee. The novelty of the study is in the fact that archival materials are used to assess the circumstances of the ARCP (B) organizations. These circumstances can be defined as those of a permanent crisis; the party organizations were ill-adapted to the extraordinary conditions of the Civil War. The narrowing of the party’s social base caused, first of all, by food policies forced the gubernia committee to cleanse party organizations and staff them up with well trusted personnel. The author has introduced into scientific use some previously unknown facts. The analysis of archival material allows to conclude that party work lapsed because party organizations seemed ineffective in the days of the anti-Soviet uprisings of summer and autumn of 1918 and while the Civil War raged. Conflicts, squabbles, intra-party struggles became an everyday occurrence. Party organizations constantly faced infiltration of persons with opposing views who sought to avoid mobilization or improve their financial situation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 169-179
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin ◽  

Drawing on archival materials from the State Archive of the Kirov Region and the State Archive of Social and Political History of the Kirov Region, the article analyzes attitudes to the New Economic Policy (NEP) in the party organizations of the RCP (B) of the Vyatka guberina in 1921. The novelty of this work lies in the fact that the author draws on archival documents to investigate the attitude of communists to the decision of the X Congress of the RCP (B) to replace surplus tax by tax in kind (prodnalog) and other measures for the development of the NEP in 1921. It turns out that party workers in position of responsibility and ordinary members of the party, as a rule, understood and perceived the NEP in their own way, reading into it the interests and needs of different social and professional groups. Moreover, there emerged some ideological differences due to different understanding of the political goals of the New Economic Policy. For the first time in local historiography, the author has introduced into scientific use some previously unknown archival facts. The analysis of the archival material allows the author to conclude that the attitude to the NEP of party workers in position of responsibility and of rank-and-file members differed. If the “top” of the party discussed the ideological aspects of the NEP, the “bottom” members, as a rule, were interested in its practical orientation. There was no unanimous support for the NEP not just among the responsible party workers, but also among the rank-and-file members. The author comes to the conclusion that the lack of clear understanding of the nature of the New Economic Policy caused disagreements in the party ranks, which, in absence of the tradition of broad discussion of controversial issues, was fraught with danger of a split. The Military Communism ideology and low literacy (including political one) that prevailed in the party ranks did not promote good understanding of the new party course and its creative application under specific regional conditions. Critics and open opponents of the NEP faced “organizational conclusions.”


Author(s):  
A. Shylo

The article covers the performance of the famous Ukrainian opera singer Larysa Arkhipivna Rudenko based on archival materials of her Personal Fund [F. 120], which are stored in the Central State Archive-Museum of Literature and Art of Ukraine. The archival material is represented by periodicals of the late 30s and early 80s of the 20th century, in particular, articles about the artist’s creative activity and reviews of musical critics at her concerts. The above archival materials are first introduced into scientific circulation. The article reveals the peculiarities of L. Rudenko’s performance and her role in the development of Ukrainian vocal art in the second half of the 20th century. Unknown pages of the biography and performances of the outstanding opera singer L. A. Rudenko, student of the founder of the Ukrainian vocal school Olena Oleksandrivna Muravieva are considered. The main methods of the work of the outstanding vocal teacher O. Muravieva are described in the words of her famous pupils L. Rudenko and L. Yefremova. The first creative searches by L. Rudenko began during her studies at the Kyiv Tchaikovsky Conservatory. The figure of L. Rudenko is associated with the state archives of Ukraine, in particular: at the National Music Academy of Ukraine named after P. I. Tchaikovsky and presented by documents testifying to the high professionalism of L. Rudenko as a vocal teacher and personal fund of Larisa Rudenko of the Central State Archives-Museum of Literature and Art of Ukraine. The author analyses individual achievements of the performer on the example of her work on operatic parties. The attention is paid to the peculiarities of L. Rudenko’s work on women’s images: the full sound of the singer’s voice is harmoniously combined with a detailed elaborated scene drawing of a role. The performance of L. Rudenko is presented in the coverage of professional music criticism and periodicals. The significant influence of L. Rudenko’s performance on the development of Ukrainian operatic art of the second half of the 20th century has been proven.


2018 ◽  
pp. 455-462
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin ◽  

Drawing on archival materials from the State Archive of the Kirov Region and those from the State Archive of Social and Political History of the Kirov Region, the article studies emergence and development of the uezd organizations of the RCP (b) in the Vyatka guberina in the spring – autumn 1918. By spring of 1918 the Soviets had set up their authority, and the Bolsheviks had wrung the majority therein from the Left Socialists-Revolutionaries. Up to the spring of 1918 there were no RCP (b) organizations in most uezd towns of the Vyatka gubernia, which may be explained by non-proletarian character of the population and by extreme weakness of the RCP (b) institutional arrangements in the gubernia. The novelty of this research hinges on the term the ‘March Bolsheviks’ used to explain the process of the party building. As it became a ruling one, left socialists, Baltic internationalists, and German prisoners-of-war turned internationalists swarmed to the party. The Bolshevik party overflowed with careerists, adventurers, and persons with a criminal past and present. There were shortages of food and goods, but party membership received food rations, and also a share in the confiscated food and property of the bourgeois. Many a party cell must have thus supplied and financed itself. Higher party bodies constantly had to purge the party organizations of those who ‘worm themselves’ into the party ranks and ‘latched onto the part teat,’ and also of persons with criminal record. The author is the first to introduce into scientific use these facts, which prior to 1991 could have never been published. Unfortunately, even after 1991, they remained uncollected, unanalyzed, and unpublished. Having analyzed the archival material, the author concludes that the gravitation of ideological backsliders towards the ruling party is attributable to the historical conditions. People had to obtain their needs, despite the ideology of the ruling party.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-124
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin

The activity of the Vyatka left opposition that arose during the internal party discussion in the fall of 1923 and the spring of 1924 is studied. The work is based on archival documents from the Central State Archive of Kirov Region, as well as on materials from the Vyatka Pravda party newspaper. The platform of the local opposition opposed the formation of factions but insisted on clarifying what factionalism is supposed to mean. The Left Opposition united the party community of the provincial city and adjacent working areas. Most party members initially expressed full confidence in the partys Central Committee. An analysis of archival material shows that the Vyatka opposition tried to establish a broad discussion of problems in internal party life. In the provincial center there was a party discussion club that organized heated discussions. The focus on clarifying the concepts of factions and groups reflected the desire of opposition supporters to avoid being accused of betraying the party and the cause of the revolution. Remarkably, until early January 1924 the left opposition had absolute support among party members in Vyatka. The article analyzes the Central Committees suppression of the local opposition in January - February 1924, and in particular the skillful techniques of Aron Solts and his supporters. At the final stage of the struggle, a group of conciliators arose among the members of the opposition, and contributed to the victory of the Central Committee line. The article clarifies reasons and circumstances of the defeat of the opposition, none of whose representatives openly stood in opposition to the majority of the Central Committee or called on ordinary members to protest. The authors demonstrate that the local left opposition was a situational unification of diverse forces, dissatisfied with the bureaucratization of the party, the growing dictatorship of the Central Committee, the newcomers, as well as the dominance of appointees from the Party and the Soviets. During the discussion in the organizations of the Party, the need for developing internal party democracy and a free discussion of the problems emerged, showing that there was a potential alternative to Stalinism. The main feature of the left opposition was that it formed and temporarily won the predominantly non-proletarian Vyatka, where before the 1917 revolution the zemstvo and city democratic self-government has gained roots; this is interpreted as a preservation of the demand for freedom and democracy in local society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 40-45
Author(s):  
Oybek Isaev ◽  

The materials which were stated in this article is about 1920-1930 and it discusses processes ofeducational system in Surkhan valley on the basis of data from Uzbek Republic Central State Archive, as well as regional Archive of Surkhandarya province, and Archives of districts. The article reveals clear understanding about how educational affairs went on in the valley, constructions of schools, and liquidation of old traditional schools and establishment of the novelsoviet educational school system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-102
Author(s):  
V. A. Aleksandrova ◽  

The article is devoted to the history of an unrealized performance of M. P. Mussorgsky’s opera "Khovanshchina" orchestrated by B. V. Asafyev. On the basis of archival documents, stored in the Russian State Archive of Literature and Arts, the Russian National Museum of Music, Central State Archive of Literature and Art of Saint Petersburg, the Bolshoi Theatre Museum, most of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, studied the circumstances under which the opera was planned to be staged in the State Academic Theatre of Opera and Ballet (nowadays — the Mariinsky Theatre). Fragments from the reports of the Artistic Council of Opera at the State Academic Theatre of Opera and Ballet meetings, the correspondence between B. V. Asafyev and P. A. Lamm, the manuscript "P. A. Lamm. A Biography" by O. P. Lamm and other unpublished archival documents are cited. The author comes to the conclusion that most attempts to perform "Khovanshchina" were hindered by the difficult socio-political circumstances of the 1930s, while the existing assumptions about the creative failure of the Asafyev’s orchestration don’t find clear affirmation, neither in historical documents, nor in the existing manuscript of the orchestral score.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 160-173
Author(s):  
Fedor L. Sinitsyn

This article examines the development of social control in the Soviet Union under Leonid Brezhnev, who was General Secretary of the Communist Party from 1964 to 1982. Historians have largely neglected this question, especially with regard to its evolution and efficiency. Research is based on sources in the Russian State Archive of Modern History (RGANI), the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI) and the Moscow Central State Archive (TSGAM). During Brezhnevs rule, Soviet propaganda reached the peak of its development. However, despite the fact that authorities tried to improve it, the system was ritualistic, unconvincing, unwieldy, and favored quantity over quality. The same was true for political education, which did little more than inspire sullen passivity in its students. Although officials recognized these failings, their response was ineffective, and over time Soviet propaganda increasingly lost its potency. At the same time, there were new trends in the system of social control. Authorities tried to have a foot in both camps - to strengthen censorship, and at the same time to get feedback from the public. However, many were afraid to express any criticism openly. In turn, the government used data on peoples sentiments only to try to control their thoughts. As a result, it did not respond to matters that concerned the public. These problems only increased during the era of stagnation and contributed to the decline and subsequent collapse of the Soviet system.


Author(s):  
D. V. Repnikov

The article is devoted to such an important aspect of the activities of the plenipotentiaries of the State Defensive Committee during the Great Patriotic War, as conflicts of authority. Contradictions between the plenipotentiaries of the State Defensive Committee and the leaders of party, state, economic bodies at various levels, as well as between the plenipotentiaries themselves, that were expressed in the emergence of various disputes and often resulted in conflicts of authority, became commonplace in the functioning of the state power system of the USSR in the war period. Based on documents from federal (State Archive of the Russian Federation, Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, Russian State Archive of Economics) and regional (Central State Archive of the Udmurt Republic, Center for Documentation of the Recent History of the Udmurt Republic) archives, the author considers a conflict of authority situation that developed during the Great Patriotic War in the Udmurt Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, which shows that historical reality is more complicated than the stereotypical manifestations of it.


Author(s):  
Bohdan Paska

The article analyzes the main measures of the Soviet regime to discredit the dissident Valentyn Moroz in the 1970s and early 1980s. This problem has not been studied in Ukrainian historiography yet. The basis of sources is previously classified documents of the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine (SSA SSU), as well as materials of the Central State Archive of Public Associations of Ukraine (CSAPA), the Soviet press, memoirs of participants of the dissident movement. The chronological framework, stages and tasks of the discrediting campaign are singled out. Among its methods there is the distribution of false information about the dissident through the Ukrainian and foreign press, the initiation of conflicts with the participation of V. Moroz in the Mordovian colonies and in emigration, diplomatic pressure on the governments of the West. The author concludes that the KGB campaign has become one of the most important factors that led to a fall in the reputation of V. Moroz at the turn of the 1970s-1980s. Keywords: Valentyn Moroz, Ukrainian dissident movement, Soviet regime, discrediting campaign, disinformation, Ukrainian diaspora


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