scholarly journals The Role of Gender Stereotypes in a Political Campaign:

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-16
Author(s):  
Brianna Morrison

The purpose of this paper is to examine gender stereotypes as a mechanism that maintains the under representation of women within elected office. Focusing exclusively on American politics, this paper will explore the barriers female candidates face in running for office. In 2019, the percentage of women holding seats is 23.7 %. This statistic indicates that women occupy 127 of the 535 seats in Congress. Although a record breaking high, this amount still remains far from achieving parity within Congress. To explore women’s under representation, I ask what is the impact gender stereotypes have on a female’s candidacy? Exploring how gender stereotypes influence both voter preferences and the attitudes of party leaders, I predict that gender stereotypes can discourage both voters and party leaders from pursuing female candidates. Based on my research findings, I argue that the gender gap in political representation is in fact largely rooted in the campaign process that has and continues to present barriers for women seeking elected office.

Author(s):  
Robert G. Boatright ◽  
Valerie Sperling

This chapter provides the theoretical context for the study by exploring whether and how gender usually matters in campaigns and elections, and the ways in which the 2016 election was different in this regard. The chapter presents the literature on voter preferences for male and female candidates, the impact of gender stereotypes on voting, and the way campaigns and advertisers make use of these stereotypes when trying to promote their candidates or undermine their opponents. The chapter devotes particular attention to recent claims that women are not disadvantaged in contemporary American elections, and it explores ways in which this finding might be applied to the 2016 presidential election, the first to feature a female general election nominee.


Commonwealth ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dana Brown

The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania has historically fared poorly in terms of the proportion of women serving in its governing bodies. After a historic year of women in politics in 2018, Pennsylvania increased its proportion of women serving in the state legislature from 19% to 26%, which is still far from parity. Why are women so underrepresented? Political scientists have tested various variables: women’s lack of political ambition, negative gatekeeping by political parties, and gender stereotypes negatively impacting female candidates, just to name a few. This paper focuses on the role that county party chairs and vice-chairs play in recruiting female candidates to run for political office in Pennsylvania. In this article I ask: what do the recruitment efforts look like on the ground and how are the recruitment efforts gendered? In terms of recruitment efforts, I expect the stronger county party to have its leaders pull from informal networks that are extensions of the party leaders themselves. On the other hand, I expect weak county parties to cast a wide net for candidate recruitment and allow candidates to self-identify, which I call the “volunteer” model. I use interview data of county party chairs in order to understand the structure of candidate recruitment in Pennsylvania and the impact it may have on candidate selection.


Author(s):  
Marcela Jabbaz Churba

AbstractThis study aims to analyse the legal decision-making process in the Community of Valencia (Spain) regarding contentious divorces particularly with respect to parental authority (patria potestas), custody and visiting arrangements for children, and the opinions of mothers and fathers on the impact these judicial measures have had on their lives. It also considers the biases in these decisions produced by privileging the rights of the adults over those of the children. Three particular moments are studied: (1) the situation before the break-up, focusing on the invisible gender gap in care; (2) the judicial process, where we observe the impact of hidden gender-based violence and gender stereotypes; and (3) the situation post-decision, showing how any existing violence continues after divorce, by means of parental authority. The concept of ‘motherhood under threat’ is placed at the centre of these issues, where children’s voices are given the least attention.


Author(s):  
Rosalyn Cooperman

Voter support for women candidates in American politics may best be summed up by the often-repeated phrase, “when women run, women win.” This statement indicates that when compared to male candidates running in a similar capacity, such as candidates for open seats in which no incumbent is present, female candidates are equally likely to win elected office. Voters, therefore, seem equally likely at face value to support female candidates. However, the literature on voter support for women candidates suggests that this voter support may be more conditional in nature. A central research thread on voters and women candidates is how voters perceive women candidates and, in turn, their electability. Research on gender stereotypes and candidates examines voter perceptions of the traits they typically associate with men and women, candidates, and officeholders and the circumstances under which these traits make gender and political candidacy more or less attractive. The literature on political party and voter support for women candidates explores how gender and party affect levels of voter support and is offered as one explanation for the party imbalance in women’s representation with female Democrats significantly outnumbering female Republicans as candidates and officeholders. Researchers have also examined how voters evaluate other components of women’s candidacies, including their party affiliation, race, ethnicity, and sexual orientation. In addition to personal characteristics, scholars have explored how the type or level of office impacts voter support of women candidates with certain types of elected positions often considered more or less well suited for women candidates. More recently, a thread of research on voter support for women candidates has focused on women’s absence from the nation’s highest elected position—the US presidency. Scholars, and the candidate herself, have assessed voter support for or opposition to Hillary Clinton’s unsuccessful presidential bids in 2008 and 2016. This line of research includes public opinion polling that measures both the abstract idea of electing a woman president as well as electing a specific woman president, namely Clinton.


Author(s):  
Yuk Yee Karen Lee ◽  
◽  
Kin Yin Li ◽  

"Breast cancer is a major concern in women’s health in Mainland China. Literatures demonstrates that women with breast cancer (WBC) need to pay much effort into resisting stigma and the impact of treatment side-effects; they suffer from overwhelming consequences due to bodily disfigurement and all these experiences will be unbeneficial for their mental and sexual health. However, related studies in this area are rare in China. The objectives of this study are 1) To understand WBC’s treatment experiences, 2) To understand what kinds of support should be contained in a transdisciplinary intervention framework (TIP) for Chinese WBC through the lens that is sensitive to gender, societal, cultural and practical experience. In this study, the feminist participatory action research (FPAR) approach containing the four cyclical processes of action research was adopted. WBC’s stories were collected through oral history, group materials such as drawings, theme songs, poetry, handicraft, storytelling, and public speech content; research team members and peer counselors were involved in the development of the model. This study revealed that WBC faces difficulties returning to the job market and discrimination, oppression and gender stereotypes are commonly found in the whole treatment process. WBC suffered from structural stigma, public stigma, and self-stigma. The research findings revealed that forming a critical timeline for intervention is essential, including stage 1: Stage of suspected breast cancer (SS), stage 2: Stage of diagnosis (SD), stage 3: Stage of treatment and prognosis (ST), and stage 4: Stage of rehabilitation and integration (SRI). Risk factors for coping with breast cancer are treatment side effects, changes to body image, fear of being stigmatized both in social networks and the job market, and lack of personal care during hospitalization. Protective factors for coping with breast cancer are the support of health professionals, spouses, and peers with the same experience, enhancing coping strategies, and reduction of symptom distress; all these are crucial to enhance resistance when fighting breast cancer. Benefit finding is crucial for WBC to rebuild their self-respect and identity. Collaboration is essential between 1) Health and medical care, 2) Medical social work, 3) Peer counselor network, and 4) self-help organization to form the TIF for quality care. The research findings are crucial for China Health Bureau to develop medical social services through a lens that is sensitive to gender, societal, cultural, and practical experiences of breast cancer survivors and their families."


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-59
Author(s):  
Kadek Dwita Apriani ◽  
Riaty Raffiudin

This research explains the relationships between gender stereotypes that live inside patriarchal culture among Balinese with voting behaviour of female candidates in the 2014 legislative election. Using quantitative method, the number of the samples are 800 which are proportionally spread in all Bali regencies and cities. The margin of error of this research is 3% at 95% confidence level. The sampling technique used is multi stage random sampling. The research findings suggest that in the 2014 legislative election, only 4% of the Balinese respondents voted for female candidates. This is due to the gender stereotyping factor, where there are very few issues or policies that are considered more capable of being resolved by female politicians. Almost all the issues that become problems in the daily life of the Balinese people are considered by the respondents to be better resolved by male politician


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 477-492 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoshikuni Ono ◽  
Masahiro Yamada

AbstractThe striking under-representation of women in Japan has been partly attributed to gender stereotypes and prejudice toward female leadership among voters. We examine whether and to what extent candidates get rewarded or punished when they deviate from the behavioral expectations associated with their gender roles and images. Our conjoint experiment results in Japan demonstrate that not only are female candidates disadvantaged compared to their male counterparts, but also that they could lose support when they diverge from gender-based behavioral expectations. Our findings suggest that female candidates face a difficult dilemma in that they must weigh the cost of losing support for failing to conform to gender-based expectations, against the general loss of support they would incur for conforming to these expectations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (6) ◽  
pp. 779-791
Author(s):  
Alexa Bankert

As the 2016 election season and the Me Too movement have powerfully demonstrated, sexism is a pervasive force not just in American politics but also, more generally, in women’s everyday lives. While political scientists have focused on the impact of sexism on voters’ evaluations of female candidates and their electoral chances, we know little about the effect of personally experienced sexism on American women’s political engagement. This manuscript tries to address this gap. Using data from the 2016 ANES Pilot Study as well as a survey experiment, I demonstrate that women who have experienced gender discrimination report higher levels of political participation and a higher chance of voting in the general election. However, among conservative women, personal experience with sexism is not associated with this participatory impetus. These findings have implications for the equal representation of women from both ends of the ideological spectrum.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Stadelmann ◽  
Marco Portmann ◽  
Reiner Eichenberger

AbstractWe identify the impact of transparency in political decision-making on the quality of political representation with a difference-in-difference strategy. The quality of political representation is measured by the observed divergence of parliamentary decisions from revealed voter preferences on identical issues. We show that full transparency of votes of individual politicians does not decrease divergence from voter preferences.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (02) ◽  
pp. 391-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen C. Craig ◽  
Paulina S. Rippere

Although there is evidence that negative advertising “works” at least some of the time, it has been suggested that going negative poses a special risk for female candidates because it violates expectations about appropriate behavior that are rooted in the traditional gender stereotypes still held by many voters. In this paper, we employ data from a survey experiment to examine gender differences in the effectiveness of one particular attack made by a challenger against an incumbent of the opposite sex in a hypothetical race for the U.S. House of Representatives. Our interest is not limited to the attack itself, however, but extends to the question of how candidates should respond when they are attacked and whether certain types of responses/rebuttals (including counterattacks) work better for men than they do for women, and vice versa, in terms of mitigating the damage inflicted by an initially successful negative ad. Overall, we find little support for the idea that the effectiveness of either attack or response (denial, counterattack, counterimaging, justification, accusing one's opponent of mudslinging) varies significantly according to candidate gender. Further, shared partisanship matters more than shared gender in shaping how voters react to the campaign messages of male and female candidates.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document