scholarly journals Reconfigurations of Time: Reflections on the Exhibition, Arts of Resistance: Politics and the Past in Latin America, UBC Museum of Anthropology

2021 ◽  
pp. 118-139
Author(s):  
Laura Osorio Sunnucks

This article reflects on the exhibition Arts of Resistance: Politics and the Past in Latin America, showing how the project challenged common representations of Central and South American art and history by displaying local, often Indigenous, ways of managing cultural heritage, as well as some of the ways that ancestral knowledge and popular arts are used to document and resist political realities. Furthermore, it argues for the overt politicization of museological and exhibitionary perspectives using radical cosmopolitical theory. Through this framework, I argue for the political significance of the art forms included in the exhibition that champion local philosophies and positions in the face of various forms of marginalization.

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
João Carlos Amoroso Botelho

Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) e Ianni (1975) aplicaram a noção de populismo à América Latina, muito se escreveu sobre o tema. O conceito se estirou tanto que tem servido para definir políticos os mais díspares. Com a ausência das condições socioeconômicas descritas pelas formulações clássicas, a estratégia adotada é limitar a categoria à dimensão política. Esse procedimento, porém, não é capaz de descrever atributos exclusivos suficientes para que o populismo seja um fenômeno específico. Ao mesmo tempo, o conceito está tão enraizado que não é viável abandoná-lo. A solução proposta é avaliar em quais características um político se aproxima e se afasta dos casos paradigmáticos do passado. Assim, ele pode ser populista em certos aspectos e não em outros. Com esse procedimento, se chega a uma classificação, em que um líder apresente mais ou menos atributos descritos pelas definições clássicas, eliminando a necessidade de reformulação constante do conceito para adaptá-lo a novas circunstâncias. Também haveria menos espaço a que o rótulo de populista continuasse servindo para desqualificar políticos latino-americanos. O artigo aborda definições clássicas e recentes aplicadas à América Latina e avalia a viabilidade empírica da estratégia de se concentrar na dimensão política.---LA APLICACIÓN DEL CONCEPTO DE POPULISMO AMÉRICA LATINA: la necesidad de clasificar, y no descalificar Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) y Ianni (1975) aplicaron la noción de populismo a la América Latina, mucho se ha escrito sobre el tema. El concepto se ha estirado tanto que ha definido políticos muy dispares. Con la ausencia de las condiciones socioeconómicas descritas por las formulaciones clásicas, la estrategia adoptada es concentrarse en la dimensión política. Ese procedimiento, sin embargo, no es capaz de describir atributos exclusivos suficientes para que el populismo sea un fenómeno específico. Al mismo tiempo, el concepto está tan enraizado que no es viable abandonarlo. La solución propuesta es evaluar en cuales características un político se acerca y se aleja de los casos paradigmáticos del pasado. Así, ello puede ser populista en ciertos aspectos y no en otros. Con ese procedimiento, se llega a una clasificación, en que un líder presente más o menos atributos descritos por las definiciones clásicas, eliminando la necesidad de reformulación constante del concepto. También habría menos espacio a que el rótulo de populista continuase sirviendo para descalificar políticos latinoamericanos. El artículo presenta definiciones clásicas y recientes aplicadas a la América Latina y discute la viabilidad empírica de la estrategia de concentrarse en la dimensión política.Palabras-clave: populismo; América Latina; casos paradigmáticos; clasificación.---THE APPLICATION OF THE CONCEPT OF POPULISM IN LATIN AMERICA: the need to classify and not disqualifyEver since authors such as Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) and Ianni (1975) applied the notion of populism in Latin America, much has been written on the subject. The concept stretched out so much that it has served to define the most dissimilar politicians. In the absence of socioeconomic conditions described by classical formulations, the strategy adopted is to restrict the category to the political dimension. Such a procedure, however, is not capable of describing adequate particular attributes that populism would be a specific phenomenon. At the same time, the concept is so deeply embedded in our society that it is not feasible to abandon it. The proposed solution is to evaluate in which characteristics a politician reaches and moves away from the paradigmatic cases of the past. Thus, it can be populist in some respects and not in others. In such a procedure, we arrive at a classification in which a leader shows more or less attributes described by classical definitions, eliminating the need for constant reformulation of the concept to adapt it to new circumstances. Also, there would be less space to which the label of populist would continue to serve to disqualify Latin American politicians. The article discusses recent and classic settings applied to Latin America and assesses the empirical viability of focusing on the political dimension strategy.Key words: populism; Latin America; paradigmatic cases; classification.


2020 ◽  
pp. 78-111
Author(s):  
Maya Nadkarni

This chapter argues that the various attempts to distance the past became the condition of Hungary for its return in the form of nostalgia for socialist mass and popular culture. It discusses the remains of socialism from anachronistic monuments and devalued historical narratives to the detritus of an everyday life now on the brink of vanishing, such as candy bars and soda pop. Despite appearances, this nostalgia did not represent a wistful desire to return to the previous era nor simply to the gleeful impulse to laugh at state socialist kitsch found years earlier. The chapter explains the detachment of fond communal memories of certain objects from the political system that produced them. It points out the ironic invocation of the international discourse of cultural heritage that legitimate the trash of the previous era and enabled Hungarians to redefine themselves as both savvy capitalist consumers and cultured democratic citizens.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 809-837 ◽  
Author(s):  
RHYS JENKINS

AbstractChina's rapid growth and increased integration with the global economy over the past three decades have significant economic impacts and political implications for Latin America. This paper reviews the debate over whether these impacts have on balance been positive or negative for the region. It argues that those who emphasise the positive economic impacts of China have been over-optimistic and underplay some of the negative impacts associated with Chinese competition in manufacturing and increasing Latin American specialisation in primary products. On the other hand, when focusing on the political dimensions, there has been a tendency to exaggerate both the extent of China's influence in the region and the fears to which this gives rise, particularly among US commentators.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (S1) ◽  
pp. 35-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florencia E. Mallon

In Tlatelolco, in the symbolically laden Plaza of the Three Cultures, there is a famous plaque commemorating the fall of Tenochtitlán, after a heroic defence organised by Cuauhtemoc. According to the official words there inscribed, that fall ‘was neither a victory nor a defeat’, but the ‘painful birth’ of present-day Mexico, the mestizo Mexico glorified and institutionalised by the Revolution of 1910. Starting with the experiences of 1968 – which added yet another layer to the archaeological sedimentation already present in Tlatelolco – and continuing with greater force in the face of the current wave of indigenous movements throughout Latin America, as well as the crisis of indigenismo and of the postrevolutionary development model, many have begun to doubt the version of Mexican history represented therein.1 Yet it is important to emphasise that the Tlatelolco plaque, fogged and tarnished as it may be today, would never have been an option in the plazas of Lima or La Paz. The purpose of this essay is to define and explain this difference by reference to the modern histories of Peru, Bolivia and Mexico. In so doing, I hope to elucidate some of the past and potential future contributions of indigenous political cultures to the ongoing formation of nation-states in Latin America.As suggested by the plaque in Tlatelolco, the process and symbolism of mestizaje has been central to the Mexican state's project of political and territorial reorganisation. By 1970, only 7.8 % of Mexico's population was defined as Indian, and divided into 59 different linguistic groups.


Author(s):  
الجمعي بولعراس (al-Jamie Boulares) ◽  
ناصـر الغالي (Nasser al-Ghaliy)

ملخص البحثكثُر الكلام عن اللغة السياسية والدعائية بعد أحداث 11 سبتمبر، وطرأت مصطلحات وتعبيرات وأنماط لغوية جديدة تصادمت فيها مع خلفيات متلقي الخطاب وما تحمله  ذاكرتهم من مدلولات سابقة، ومن ثم، نُسجت خيوط اللغة الجديدة المعاصرة، وظلت بعيدة تراوح ردحا من الزمن محاريب السياسة والإعلام والدعاية، ثم إن  الماسك بزمام التوجه اللغوي المعاصر هو الذي أفلح في احتواء الشارع العربي بحثا عن المفاهيم المختلفة، وفي غياب تنمية لغوية حركية وتبرز هوية قائلها في الزمن، وتتحدى عوائق القواميس الانتقائية والنخبوية والمهمشة للأنا والذات، وبحثا عن مستقبل تتحكم فيه عوامل البقاء اللساني في ظل الصراع الحضاري والفكري والسياسي والاقتصادي وذلك كما نتصور بغربلة الزخم اللغوي العربي لاحتواء الواقع الحضاري للأمة ومستحثات الهزات الاجتماعية لتتأقلم بالمستجدات، ويحتاج هذا جهدا لامتلاك ناصية اللغة الجديدة التي توصف بالتمرد على الماضي، وفي الوقت نفسه تريد أن لا تتجرد منه واللغة الجديدة هي نتاج الحراك اللساني المعاصر، وهي لغة التداول اللغوي ولغة المصطلحات المعاصرة، وهي لغة الدعاية والتعبيرات الاصطلاحية الجديدة ولغة الخطاب السياسي المعاصر. وصل البحث إلى بعض النتائج ومن أهمها: وجوب إعادة قواعد وأنظمة سيميائية للغة الخطاب السياسي، توغل الإعلاميين في المصطلحات والتعابير مثل السياسيين.الكلمات المفتاحية: اللغة العربية-العبارة الاصطلاحية- تلقي العبارة السياسية-سياسة العبارة-لعبة السياسةAbstractThere have been a lot of talks about political language and propaganda after the 11 September incident that had led to the application of new terminologies, expressions and language variations in contrast with what were associated with these words previously in the minds of the recipient. Hence,  new strings of language were woven but nonetheless they remained far from being acquainted with the political and propaganda discourses. The one who is responsible in language policy is the one who is successful in including the language of the streets to explore its various concepts. This is in the absence of the growth of language movements, language personalities, and the challenges of  discovering self-identity and in the efforts to search of the future that is characterized by the elements of language survival in the face of the clashes of civilization, thinking, political and economy. In addition to that, the inner conflicts that are witnessed by the Arab world to adapt to the arising matters and issues. This effort will entail to overcome the new direction in language that is vicious toward the past and at the time try to accommodative to the new and contemporary. The research has concluded that: semiotic rules and regulations of political speech should be reviewed, so as for mass media to penetrate deeply in the technical meanings and expression like the politicians.Keywords: Arabic Language – Terminological phrases –reception of political expressions - politics of phrases – politics games.AbstrakTerdapat banyak perbincangan tentang bahasa politik dan propaganda selepas kejadian 11 September, dan telah timbul pelbagai istilah, pernyataan dan bentuk bahasa baru yang bercanggah dengan pengetahuan latarbelakang pendengar serta apa yang telah mereka fahami sebelum ini.  Ia seperti menenunbah asabaru dan terkini, meninggalkan jarak untuk begitu lama yang mencorakkan pembentukan dasar, perjalanan media dan propaganda. Namun, pihak yang menguasai retraktororientasi linguistic terkini itulah yang akan menentukan kandungan perjalanan bahasa Arab dalam pencarian konsep yang berbeza dengan ketiadaan mobility perkembangan liguistik, seterusnya memartabatkan identity pengguna bahasa tersebut.  Sementara beberapa kamus tertentu yang bersifat elitism dan terpinggir pula mencabar keegoan dan diri. Dalam mencari masa depan, factor lisan bersifat mampu saing memainkan peranan penting dalam aruskonflik tamadun, pemikiran, politik dan ekonomi ini dalam menapis momentum bahasa agar mencaku pirealiti tamadun semasa serta kejutan sosial yang teraruh supaya bersesuaian dengan keadaan semasa. Ini memerlukan kesungguhan penguasaan bahasa baru yang tersimpang dari pada yang dulu, dan pada masa yang sama ia tidak terpisah dari pada yang lama.  Bahasa baru ialah hasil pergerakan bahasa semasa, bahasa perundingan dan bahasa istilah semasa.  Ia adalah bahasa propaganda, pernyataan beristilah yang baru dan bahasa wacana politik semasa.  Antara dapatan penting kajian ialah: semakan semula nahu dan prosidur semantic bagi bahasa wacana politik, pihak media mendalami penggunaan istilah serta pernyataan dalam politik.Kata kunci: Bahasa Arab – pernyataan beristilah – pemahaman pernyataan politik – politik pernyataan – permainan politik


Ars Aeterna ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Ivan Lacko

Abstract The paper addresses the complexity of social issues in contemporary American society through the prism of its reflection in theatre and literature. The characteristic features of American narratives and performatives are freedom and an almost utopian belief in diversity and social understanding. At the same time, the discussed works present a comprehensive look at social issues using a great variety of forms and genres, and appealing to the aesthetic sensitivity of different groups of recipients. In the face of future problems in the political arena, American art offers an interesting transatlantic perspective on the complexity of 21st-century issues which are relevant all over the world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (26) ◽  
pp. 126-146
Author(s):  
FERNANDO SANTOS DE JESUS ◽  
VALERIE GRUBER

O reconhecimento da capoeira como Patrimônio Cultural Imaterial da Humanidade pela UNESCO contribui para a valorização e a visibilização dessa prática de resistência negra brasileira a ná­vel mundial, mas também implica certas ressignificações em face das possá­veis essencializações. Portanto, consideramos necessário um olhar filosófico sobre a capoeira, dando ênfase aos saberes ancestrais e á  sua articulação no contexto da desigualdade sociorracial. O caminho percorrido neste artigo engendra aportes teóricos multidisciplinares, juntando conceitos que dialogam entre a filosofia da diferença de Foucault, Deleuze e Guattari e as perspectivas e reflexões sociogeográficas. Defendemos a ideia de que o mestre de capoeira representa um filósofo diaspórico que cria um espaço de possibilidades para coletividades marginalizadas e fortalece uma pedagogia da (re)existência negra. Entretanto, a capoeira se inscreve num campo diná¢mico, afetado por diferentes interesses econômicos, polá­ticos e morais, com os quais o mestre precisa articular agenciamentos que salvaguardem os mais perceptá­veis traços filosóficos da capoeira.Palavras-chave: Mestre de Capoeira. (Re)existência. Desigualdade.  THE MASTER OF CAPOEIRA: strengthening philosophies and practices of black (re)existence in the face of socioracial inequalitiesAbstract:  Since capoeira has been recognized as Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by the UNESCO, this Brazilian practice of black resistance has been increasingly valorized and visibilized at a global level. But this also implies certain resignifications in the face of possible essentializations. Therefore, we consider it necessary to provide a philosophical perspective on capoeira, emphasizing ancestral knowledge and its articulation in the context of socioracial inequality. In this article, we use a multidisciplinary approach, establishing a dialogue between the philosophy of difference of Foucault, Deleuze and Guattari, and socio-geographical perspectives and reflections. We defend the idea that the ”˜mestre”™ (master) of capoeira represents a diasporic philosopher who creates a space of possibilities for marginalized collectivities and promotes pedagogics of black (re)existence. Meanwhile, capoeira is part of a dynamic field affected by different economic, political and moral interests, with which the 'mestre' needs to articulate entanglements that safeguard the most perceptible philosophical traits of capoeira.Keywords:  Mestre of capoeira. (Re)existence. Inequality.  EL MAESTRO DE CAPOEIRA: fortaleciendo filosofá­as y prácticas de (re)existencia negra ante desigualdades socioraciales  Resumen:  El reconocimiento de la capoeira como Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial de la Humanidad por la UNESCO contribuye con la valorización y la visibilización de esta práctica de resistencia negra brasileña a nivel mundial, pero también implica ciertas resignificaciones frente a posibles esencializaciones. Por lo tanto, consideramos necesario el desarrollo de una perspectiva filosófica sobre la capoeira, la que hace hincapié en los saberes ancestrales y en su articulación en el contexto de la desigualdad socioracial. Asá­ se elaboraron aportes teóricos multidisciplinarios, reuniendo conceptos que dialogan entre la filosofá­a de la diferencia de Foucault, Deleuze y Guattari y las perspectivas y reflexiones sociogeográficas. En este artá­culo defendemos la idea de que el ”mestre” (maestro) de capoeira representa un filósofo diaspórico que crea un espacio de posibilidades para colectividades marginalizadas y fortalece una pedagogá­a de la (re)existencia negra. Entretanto, la capoeira se inscribe en un campo dinámico, afectado por diferentes intereses económicos, polá­ticos y morales, con los cuales el ”mestre” necesita articular agenciamientos que salvaguarden los más perceptibles trazos filosóficos de la capoeira.Palabras clave:  Mestre de Capoeira. (Re)existencia. Desigualdad.              


2020 ◽  

If you feel that contemporary archaeology has a lot to offer on new ways of understanding the past, this is your event. If your approach to archaeological method and practice goes beyond the trowel into more engaging and transformative practices, this is your event. If you believe that archaeology engages the political yesteryear and today, this is your event. In order to make (contemporary) archaeology great again, we propose a decolonizing approach to emerging presents that benefits people and engages in a mutual learning process. But we want to know where we stand first, so this is a call for ideas and projects that are currently moving this way in Latin America.


Significance Garcia’s death removes from the political scene one of Peru’s most influential politicians. The twice former-president had been closely identified as a recipient of bribes from the Brazilian construction company Odebrecht, although he consistently denied allegations against him. He was one of several senior political figures, both in Peru and in Latin America more broadly, to be embroiled in the so-called ‘Car Wash’ investigation. Impacts APRA’s ability to rebuild political support in the country is doubtful. The Peruvian and Brazilian examples of judicial activism will not necessarily be paralleled elsewhere. President Martin Vizcarra will push ahead with his reform agenda in the face of congressional opposition.


2018 ◽  
pp. 57-86
Author(s):  
Long T. Bui

This chapter explores the challenges of memory work for Vietnamese diasporic subjects in the face of postwar historical amnesia and trauma. It analyzes Aimee Phan’s The Reeducation of Cherry Truong, which tells the story of two families that fled from the Vietnam War still grappling with the messiness of their war-torn past. Offering a powerful analytic for situating gendered practices of remembering and forgetting by mostly women, the term “reeducation” suggests that refugee memory work never simply takes the form of nostalgia or denial of the past but is a constant negotiation of history as interpreted through past wrongs or obligations. As a hermeneutic for critically reading the refugee as a figure of debt, “reeducation” links the programmatic indoctrination of South Vietnamese political prisoners by communists to the Western pedagogical program to civilize refugees from South Vietnam, recognizing the psychic and material debt survivors of war owe to the sacrifices and suffering of others, and the political agency found in that recognition.


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