scholarly journals Voice and Votes—Does Political Decentralisation Work for the Poor and for Women? Empirical Evidence from the 2005 Local Government Elections in Pakistan

2006 ◽  
Vol 45 (4II) ◽  
pp. 1345-1360
Author(s):  
Regina Birner ◽  
Sarfraz Khan Qureshi ◽  
Kamiljon Akramov ◽  
Bilal Hassan Khan

Decentralisation is associated with the hope that “bringing government closer to the people” will improve the provision of public services by increasing people’s voice in decision-making, and by making the government more accountable to them. Decentralisation is also associated with the hope that disadvantaged groups of society, including the poor and women, will have better possibilities to exercise voice at the local level. Some countries have combined decentralisation with affirmative action, for example, by reserving seats in local councils for women and other disadvantaged groups. Yet the empirical evidence regarding the impacts of decentralisation has been mixed [Bardhan (2002); von Braun and Grote (2002); Jütting, et al. (2004); Steiner (2005)]. In many cases, political decentralisation has not been associated with fiscal and administrative decentralisation, thus limiting the scope of what local governments can actually do. Building capacity at the local level and overcoming coordination problems has been another challenge. Local elite capture has been identified as a major problem that can prevent positive effects of decentralisation for the poor, especially in societies with hierarchical power structures at the local level [Bardhan (2002)]. With regard to gender, there are concerns that decentralisation—even if associated with affirmative action—will not be sufficient to overcome gender-based discrimination. Again, the empirical evidence is mixed [ADB (2004)]. Chatthobadhay and Duflo (2004) found that that women who were elected as village leaders under the reservation policy in the Indian states of West Bengal and Rajastan invested more in those public goods that more closely linked to women’s concerns, such as drinking water. Baden (1999) showed that it depends on local power structures and on the availability and competition over resources whether or not women benefit from decentralisation. In view of the mixed results, important knowledge gaps remain regarding the possibilities to promote public service provision for the poor and for women through political decentralisation and associated affirmative action.

2016 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
xiaoling Hao ◽  
Daqing Zheng ◽  
Qingfeng Zeng ◽  
Weiguo Fan

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore how to use social media in e-government to strengthen interactivity between government and the general public. Design/methodology/approach – Categorizing the determinants to interactivity covering depth and breadth into two aspects that are the structural features and the content features, this study employs general linear model and ANOVA method to analyse 14,910 posts belonged to the top list of the 96 most popular government accounts of Sina, one of the largest social media platforms in China. Findings – The main findings of the research are that both variables of the ratio of multimedia elements, and the ratio of external links have positive effects on the breadth of interactivity, while the ratio of multimedia features, and the ratio of originality have significant effects on the depth of interactivity. Originality/value – The contributions are as follows. First, the authors analyse the properties and the topics of government posts to draw a rich picture of how local governments use the micro-blog as a communications channel to interact with the public. Second, the authors conceptualize the government online interactivity in terms of the breadth and depth. Third, the authors identify factors that will enhance the interactivity from two aspects: structural features and content features. Lastly, the authors offer suggestions to local governments on how to strengthen the e-government interactivity in social media.


2022 ◽  
pp. 91-114
Author(s):  
Lilita Seimuskane ◽  
Maris Pukis

The chapter provides analysis of obstacles for the introduction of direct citizen participation in the decision-making process at the local self-governments in Latvia, as well as intents of national government to widen participative democracy by formalization of consultation mechanisms. Within the scope of this study, participation is seen as an interaction form of relationship between citizens and a local government. The highest form, according to Arnstein's gradation theory of a ladder of citizen participation, refers to the participation degree called partnership, delegated power, and is described by Teorell as a citizen voice in the government. Situation and perspective of local government referendums are analysed. Consultation is implemented at the level by involving the residents in the work of local government commissions and implementing public deliberations. Administrative territorial reform, performed by 2021 elections, will decrease the number of local governments to a third of their current level.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavithra Suryanarayan

What explains the popularity of right-wing parties among the poor? This article argues that in hierarchical societies with high social-status inequality, cross-class coalitions can emerge among high-status voters if they believe their social status is under threat. I demonstrate this in the context of the Indian states by exploiting an announcement by the Government of India in 1990 to implement affirmative action for lower castes—an intervention that threatened to weaken the social status of upper caste Brahmans. Using unique data from the 1931 census, this article shows that areas where Brahmans were more dominant in the 1930s experienced a higher surge in right-wing voting after this announcement than other areas. Using survey data, I find that both wealthy and poor Brahmans voted for the right wing where Brahmans were dominant in 1931. The article shows how concerns about social status may make the poor open to appeals by antiredistribution parties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 161-169
Author(s):  
Anif Fatma Chawa

This article aims to illustrate the role of government in the implementation of CSR in the extractive industries. The extractive industries need support from the government to resolve various problems which have emerged in conducting their CSR. These problems have arisen because of the contradiction and tension in the role or framework of business communities of the extractive industries, as an economic and social agent. To address those problems, based on a structural functional perspective, the extractive industries need other institution primarily government to establish policies or regulations in conducting their CSR. This study employs systemic review method reviewing 70 journal articles of research studies which focus on the implementation of CSR in the extractive industries in Indonesia. This study found that government has an important role to stipulate several regulations mostly at a national level. The regulations require the extractive industries to implement CSR to specifically address various negative impacts, socially, culturally and environmentally, on the affected communities. This study, however, also found that there is insufficient guideline at a local level in relation to CSR. Consequently, the extractive industries have no guidelines in how to establish their CSR activities, to what extend they should involve the local communities as well as the local governments in these activities and to address various problems which have emerged in the implementation of CSR. The lack of guidelines has also given rise to the different perception of the local governments on how they should be involved in the implementation of CSR.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Denishchenko

The implementation of the financial decentralization reform in Ukraine, which is the most important component of the general reform of local self-government in Ukraine for seven years, already has the first results and materials for research and conclusions. The state has proposed stages of reform and further activities of local governments. The government ensures the declared national expenditures delegated to local councils and recognizes the significant degree of their independence in planning, creating and implementing their budget plans. However, at the local level there are a number of problems that lead to inefficiency or inexpediency of costly financial activities. The article considers the most significant, effective and universal conditions and factors for improving the efficiency of spending financial resources of local budgets in the implementation of local government reform in Ukraine. The reasons for the need to implement the reform of financial decentralization and the problems it should solve are presented. Among the described bases of increase of efficiency of use of means – legislative, organizational, resource. Their definition was made possible by studying the results of community spending management during the first years of the reform. Most of them have an organizational character, i.e. one that is possible for the community to implement as a cohesive social body at the local level, have a low level of costs or opportunities for external financing or co-financing. Factors of its implementation, author’s comments and evaluation of efficiency are provided to each defined condition. The most important among the basics of effective spending of local budgets are: the availability of necessary and quality legislation, preparation and use of motivated staff of local governments, creation and implementation of social dialogue in the community, comprehensive control and analysis of public spending, determining responsibility for job responsibilities relevant employees, use of foreign experience and best financial practices of Ukrainian communities, use of energy-saving technologies, optimization of local government maintenance costs. Each of the presented bases has the described factors of their implementation which are described in article. The use of such factors makes it possible to use the available on a possible basis the effectiveness of the use of local funds, an important component of the community’s own resources during the reform of local self-government.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-529
Author(s):  
Adam A. Millsap ◽  
Bradley K. Hobbs ◽  
Dean Stansel

Brennan and Buchanan’s Leviathan hypothesis states that “potential for fiscal exploitation varies inversely with the number of competing governmental units” (p. 211) and that “total government intrusion into the economy should be smaller, ceteris paribus, the greater the extent to which taxes and expenditures are decentralized [and]…the smaller the jurisdictions” (p. 185). Using data for US metropolitan statistical areas, we provide the first local-level test of that hypothesis (that we are aware of) that uses “economic freedom” as the dependent variable, which provides a better measure of “total government intrusion into the economy” than the less comprehensive measures (taxes or spending) used in the previous literature. We find mixed support for the Leviathan hypothesis. The number of competing jurisdictions is positively associated with economic freedom, driven largely by the labor market freedom component as opposed to the government spending and tax components (the very measures used in the previous literature).


2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 364
Author(s):  
Retno Mawarini Sukmariningsih

Civil servants management at the Regional Agencies implemented by local governments in accordance with the legislation., The substance of the requirements for filling the positions (Contract Position Determination and Structural), can be set at the level of local regulations. A Civil State Apparatus in addition to unifying the nation primarily as a public servant and qualified professionals. In building the legal basis of structural filling positions, especially at the local level through the establishment of regional regulation is not easy, a fact often creates debate table because political aspects are the dominant rather than normative aspects required in forming the Government Area and the persistence of attitudes like and dislike.


2009 ◽  
pp. 128-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
N Ramakantan

During the past decade the Indian state of Kerala has been successfully carrying out democratic decentralization, and has substantially transformed the functions of local governments in line with the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts, which institutionalised the local government system in India. In particular, formulation and implementation of micro plans with community participation has produced remarkable changes in the dynamics of local development and in the public management of local governments. This initiative for participatory planning at the local level taken by the government of Kerala enormously empowered local communities and the different actors in the local political system.


2021 ◽  
pp. 49-59
Author(s):  
Girdhari Dahal

The purpose of this study is to examine the women participation in local development of Kaski district in Nepal. The nation provides equal opportunities to the women. Despite that, they are strong enough and empowered in local development? Nepalese women are struggling for equal opportunity in society. This paper is qualitative research. It is based on primary and secondary data based on descriptive and analytical paper. In the local election held in 2017, 152 women were elected to the local government in Kaski district. They are Dalit and non-Dalit both. Constitutionally thirty-three percent women are required to be the participants on each level of the government of Nepal. It is a legal provision for participation in local governments. Similarly, women are the participants in the federal, provincial and local governments of Nepal. The constitution has provided women participation on policy level as well as civil service, Nepal Police and Nepal Army and other sectors of the nation. Now, the federal democratic republic nation of Nepal has been practicing inclusive democracy. It is a great achievement for the Nepalese women. Now, 21th century as democratic country like Nepal needs meaningful women participation on a local level. The women need equal opportunity in the social, economic and political sector. Local level of Kaski district women participate with empower on politics as well as development activities as planning, budgeting, judicial leadership. These are the symbolic empowerment of women in local development.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hari P. Dhungana

Government accountability is intrinsic to democracies, as citizens can choose public officials through their popular vote and accordingly exercise some control and oversight over the officials. But elections held in periodic intervals do not allow the scrutiny of the decisions and activities that are conducted on a daily basis. This article examines how to confront this challenge of holding the governments to account, by looking into local governance in Nepal, where citizens have limited knowledge of the government decisions, activities, procedures followed, and their outcomes. This article is developed from the review of policies and laws and semi-structured interviews with elected leaders, civil service personnel, and other stakeholders in select local governments in Nepal. It argues that accountability in local government requires attention not only to laws, but also the practices of civic interaction and the willingness of elected officials and citizens in these engagements. It starts by establishing how the country’s new Constitution of Nepal (2015) espouses a local social contract in view of its division of jurisdictions. It then identifies and analyses the main approaches and tools on government accountability. These encompass broad constitutional provisions to specific legal, institutional and technocratic measures to hold officials to account. It then reveals recent local level experiences around the use of accountability tools and shows that the legacy of widespread collusion and misuse of power continues to be a bottleneck. It concludes that there is a need to foster greater civic demands on accountability and foster measures for deliberation at the municipal level on a more regular basis. Overall, local government accountability should be envisioned as a work-in-progress pursuit and should be coupled with systems of local planning and implementation and vitalization of local democracy.


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