scholarly journals Memahami Keputusan Meninggalkan Zona Nyaman Karyawan “X” BUMN

MANAJERIAL ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (02) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Mirza Dwinanda Ilmawan ◽  
Feisal Ala'i

Background – Leadership and organizational culture is one of the keys for someone deciding to leave or maintain their work comfort zone. BUMN companies are taken in this case because of the social fact that these companies are able to provide adequate compensation and even tend to be abundant. However, whether these social facts are in line with the facts in the field will be the focus of this study to reveal these things that are juxtaposed with organizational culture and leadership in it. Purpose – This study aims to obtain an empirical picture in the field in order to find the justification for someone leaving the comfort zone of BUMN. Design / Methodology / Approach – This research uses explanatory principles by digging up information related to the decision to leave the comfort zone of BUMN, an interesting phenomenon in which BUMN employees are known to receive better compensation than other companies and have secured prestigious positions in the company but choose to leave. The selected subjects are BUMN executive employees who choose to leave their positions before entering retirement. Result and Discussion – The results of this study reveal an interesting fact where respect for company executives is a very important thing that must be given by the CEO/ President Director and if there is any neglect of this, the risk faced is the loss of potential employees. Other findings may be that further study is the best option to reduce work stress. Conclusion – Organizational culture factors that are too dynamic have a positive influence on leaving the comfort zone of work. Researh Limitations – This study uses a limited subject, therefore the picture described follows the limitations of the number of subjects taken.

2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eleanor Townsley

This article describes an exercise that explores how race categories and classifications are socially constructed scientifically. In an introductory sociology setting, students compare their perceptions of the size of minority populations with counts from the U.S. Census. In a series of debriefing sessions, students analyze both their perceptions and Census counts as social constructions of the moral phenomena we call race. In the process, students are introduced to Census data and the Census web site as well as to historical and theoretical literature on the social construction of race. Students are then asked to reflect critically about the scientific practices in which race is constructed as a social fact, and in particular, to consider their own roles in these practices as users and subjects of race categories. The larger goal is to help students to develop a critical sociological imagination that productively engages the analysis of race in contemporary society.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Zapata

El presente articulo analiza las prácticas de caridad que desarrollan un conjunto de agentes sociales definidos como “voluntarias de Caritas” y analiza la asistencia social del estado, que se materializa en programas de “ayuda social” que ejecutan esas voluntarias, en una parroquia católica de una ciudad media de la Argentina. A diferencia de lo que proponen los enfoques estatalistas sobre el fenómeno de asistencia social, aquí propongo que la caridad y la asistencia social son hechos estructuralmente asociados y que se han desarrollado como los polos opuestos alrededor del fenómeno de la circulación gratuita de objetos. A través de la descripción etnográfica de la vida cotidiana de la organización caritativa por excelencia de la Argentina, Caritas, la de sus agentes, las voluntarias, y de los programas sociales que allí se desarrollan, pretendo mostrar, desde el punto de vista de las voluntarias, la conflictividad cultural que provocan los fenómenos ligados a la gratuidad, lo cual demanda una antropología especialmente referida a estos fenomenos. An Anthropology of Gratuitousness: charity practices and social assistance policies in Argentine Abstract This papers analyzes charity practices developed by a group of social agents that define themselves as “Charity volunteers” as well as social assistance practices of the state, that materialize themselves in programs of “social help” lead by these volunteers in a Catholic parish of a medium city in Argentine. In contrast with “state oriented” (“estatalistas”) approaches on the problem of social assistance, it is proposed here that charity and social assistance are structurally related facts and that they have developed themselves as opposite poles in relation to the phenomenon of free flow of things. In other words, charity and social assistance shape one type of social fact that rely on the principle that labels specific objects as free and as a consequence request an attitude towards them: the elimination of individual interest. The ambiguities of meaning attached to the phenomena framed within the logic of the gratuitousness often become “misunderstandings” and “double truths”, which suppose permanent conflicts attached to charity and social assistance. Through ethnographic description of everyday routine of the mayor charity organization of Argentine, Caritas, of their agents, volunteers, and of the social programs it develops, I aim to show, from the point of view of the volunteers, the cultural conflicts that spur from phenomena attached to gratuitousness, which demand an anthropology that specifically refers to these social facts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Sardjuningsih Sardjuningsih

<p><strong><em>Field research with a phenomenological approach, in the District of Kabuh-Jombang. The barren rural socio-geographical setting makes tradition basics a reference and measure of norms of action. The uniqueness of this study with previous research is the process of reducing the sacredness of marriage by placing the status of Widower or Widow better than the status of an old spinster or old age. Research with a Phenomenological approach with Robert Merton's Structural-Functional analysis knife rests on deep interview techniques of 20 informants consisting of couples who experience young and divorced couples, families, and community leaders. produce conclusions that the tradition of underage marriage is a social fact, a habit that still continues to this day, constructed with noble and sacred meaning. In the social process the Nobleness of meaning is not supported by other social facts, that being a widower or widow is better than being an old woman or old woman. This puts divorce better than maintaining marriage. This pragmatic outlook is contrary to the ideal ideals of a sacred marriage. The result of a complex divorce is a negative new social fact that is neglecting the rights of children to be paid by their parents. This negative social fact is due to the dysfunctional social control and social structure of the process of adaptation to change.</em></strong></p>


ForScience ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. e00954
Author(s):  
Vinícius Batista Gonçalves ◽  
Daniela Meirelles Andrade ◽  
Daiane Ferreira Arantes Beraldo

A Teoria do Fato Social desenvolvida pelo sociólogo francês Émile Durkheim apresenta regras para observação e estudo dos fenômenos sociais externos, coercitiveis e gerais, tendo como cenário a sociedade detentora de uma consciência própria (realidade sui generis), independente da consciência individual. Diante da relevância dos estudos de Durkheim, buscou-se realizar uma pesquisa de natureza descritiva para sistematizar a Teoria do Fato Social, por meio de conceitos, métodos e aplicações encontrados nas obras do próprio autor, com o objetivo de criar um modelo teórico-analítico baseado em Durkheim para analisar a corrupção nos tempos atuais. Nesse sentido, realizou-se uma pesquisa bibliográfica tendo como objeto de busca as obras do autor, bem como artigos nacionais e internacionais relacionados à teoria do fato social. A importância do presente estudo reside na possibilidade de compreender os estudos de Durkheim, possibilitando sistematizar uma perspectiva teórica para aplicação em futuros estudos sobre análise de fatos sociais ligados a administração pública como a corrupção. Conclui-se que a corrupção é um fato social inerente ao estado de anomia da sociedade. Propõe-se como futuros estudos a aplicação do modelo teórico de corrupção elaborado a partir da perspectiva durkheimiana.  Palavras-chaves: Anomia. Corrupção. Émile Durkheim. Fato social. Funcionalismo.   Corruption as a durkheimian social fact: proposition of a theoretical model Abstract The Theory of Social Fact developed by the French sociologist Émile Durkheim presents rules for the observation and study of external, coercible and general social phenomena based on a society that has its own consciousness (sui generis reality), independent of individual consciousness. Given the relevance of Durkheim's studies, a descriptive nature research was sought to systematize the Social Fact Theory, through concepts, methods and applications found in the author's own works, with the aim of creating an analytical theoretical model based in Durkheim to analyze corruption in modern times. In this sense, a bibliographical research was carried out with the author's works as a search object, as well as national and international articles related to the Theory of Social Fact. The importance of this study lies in the possibility of understanding Durkheim's studies, enabling the systematization of a theoretical perspective for application in future studies on the analysis of social facts linked to public administration such as corruption. It is concluded that corruption is a social fact inherent to the state of anomie of society. It is proposed as future studies the application of the theoretical model of corruption elaborated from the Durkheimian perspective. Keywords: Anomia. Corruption. Emile Durkheim. Social Fact. Functionalism.


Stan Rzeczy ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 15-66
Author(s):  
Pierpaolo Donati

The paper presents a general outline of the author’s relational sociology, showing it to be different from other relational sociologies, which are, in fact, figurational, transactional, or purely communicative. Relational sociology is conceived as a way of observing and thinking that starts from the assumption that the problems of society are generated by social relations and aims to understand, and if possible, solve them, not purely on the basis of individual or voluntary actions, nor conversely, purely through collective or structural ones, but via new configurations of social relations. The social is relational in essence. Social facts can be understood and explained by assuming that “in the beginning (of any social fact there) is the relation.”Ultimately, this approach points to the possibility of highlighting thoserelational processes that can better realize the humanity of social agents and give them, as relational subjects, the opportunity to achieve a good life in a society that is becoming increasingly complex as the processes of globalization proceed.


2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 35-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Pietz

If Harr emphasizes that things become social objects only within particular storylines, Pietz makes the reverse point about the essential materiality of social relationships, especially contractual ones, e.g. as expressed in the legal history of the `material consideration'. Departing from a similar conception of the performative micro-reproduction of social order and the communicative objectification of social facts, he argues that a theory of forensic objects as social facts disrupts not only capitalist presumptions about economic objects as the sole origin of monetary value but also enlightenment conceptions of society as a sphere of consequential human action distinct from nature as the sphere of material causality. The material consideration is one such forensic object. A `material consideration' refers to an obscure but important social object that embodies the power to transform subjective promises into objective obligations and thereby establishes the social fact of legal liability. The failed attempt of liberal philosophers and jurists since the eighteenth century to conceive considerations as mere symbolic evidence of subjective moral intent rather as real enactments of social power demonstrates how difficult it is for modern social theory to articulate the idea of social materiality found in social facts such as considerations, at least as long as it sustains a strict separation between society and nature or between the intentional action of humans and the physical causality of material objects.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1468795X2098066
Author(s):  
Paul Carls

Émile Durkheim’s late work focuses on représentations collectives, social facts that embody sui generis social forces and that direct behaviour in meaningful ways. The focus on représentations collectives raises questions, but also opens doors for Durkheimian sociology. Many would contend that Durkheim’s focus on représentations collectives introduces a hermeneutical and ideational element that is at odds with his positivist approach. His study of représentations collectives also point to a potentially broad application of his method to the study of culture as a causally autonomous factor in social life. This article will discuss the social fact in Durkheim’s late work in light of these issues. It will argue that représentations collectives are social facts, ‘things’ in Durkheim’s terminology, that are rooted in ritual. They have an objective existence and are causally efficacious, which makes them the object of positive sociology; there is thus no tension between ‘early’ and ‘late’ Durkheim on this point. It will also argue that due to the causally autonomous and inherently meaningful nature of représentations collectives, Durkheim’s approach adds to the Strong Program’s research agenda, albeit with more of a focus on ritual and emotional energy. In so doing the article seeks to build a bridge between the Strong Program and the interaction ritual approach developed by Randall Collins.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-120
Author(s):  
Antoine Savoye

*Full article is in FrenchFrench abstract: En dépit de l’ostracisme de Durkheim à leur égard, les représentants de la science sociale issue de Le Play n’ont pas ignoré son oeuvre et l’ont commentée – même si laconiquement – dans leurs périodiques, d’une part, La Réforme sociale, d’autre part, La Science sociale et ses dérivés. Les leplaysiens restés dans l’orthodoxie du maître nourrissent – de la Division du travail social aux Fondements élémentaires de la vie religieuse – les mêmes griefs à l’encontre de Durkheim. Volontiers polémiques, ils refusent sa conception du fait social qui, « supérieur et antérieur à l’individu … s’impose à lui avec une force coercitive prépondérante » (Clément, 1915). Leurs critiques perdent cependant de leur virulence après la mort de Durkheim, au fur et à mesure que la sociologie s’avère une science durable dont le projet devient irréfutable. Du côté des partisans de la science sociale renouvelée par Henri de Tourville, l’appréciation de Durkheim est différente. Plus tardive, elle porte sur l’objet de la sociologie et sur la méthode prônée par l’auteur des Règles. Aux yeux des tourvilliens, celui-ci n’emprunte pas, à tort, la « voie royale » de la science sociale : l’enquête par observation directe, et néglige l’outil de coordination des faits sociaux qu’est la nomenclature mise au point par Tourville. Dès lors, les résultats auxquels aboutit Durkheim, par exemple dans les Fondements, sont sujets à caution (Descamps, 1912). La critique des tourvilliens est d’autant plus vive qu’elle se nourrit d’un dépit : Durkheim ne fait aucun cas de leurs travaux (Périer, 1913). Le débat qu’ils auraient souhaité engager n’aura lieu que post mortem, grâce à Bouglé et ses élèves du Centre de documentation sociale (Aron, Polin) qui joueront le jeu, dans les années trente, de la confrontation entre sociologie et science sociale.English abstract: Despite the ostracism he maintained towards them, Le Play’s social science continuers did not ignore Durkheim’s work and commented on it – even if laconically – in their journals. The LePlayists loyal to the master’s orthodoxy raised the same grievances against Durkheim throughout his academic life. They refused to accept his conception of the social fact as superior and prior to the individual, imposing itself on him with a coercive force. Their criticisms, however, were less virulent after Durkheim’s death, as sociology proved a sustainable science whose project had become irrefutable. With the dissident LePlayists, the view is different. Emerging later, it dealt with the object of sociology and the method advocated by the author of the Règles. From the Tourvillians’ point of view, Durkheim’s sociology does not adopt the best path for social science (investigation by direct observation), and neglects its process of coordination of social facts (the nomenclature developed by Tourville). Consequently, Durkheim’s results are questionable. The debate the Tourvillians wanted to have with Durkheim took place post mortem, thanks to Bouglé and his students from the Centre de documentation sociale, and their engagement, in the 1930s, with Durkheimian sociology and social science.


1995 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore M. Porter

The Rules of Sociological Method is most famous for its definition of the social fact Seen in relation to previous statistical writings on topics like suicide, though, Durkheim's work appears more to limit the domain of social facts than to create one. For Quetelet, Wagner, and Morselli, if suicide or marriage varied by age, sex, religion, climate, or race, that was enough to make a statistical fact Durkeim, rejecting their positivism, refused to speak of facts except in alliance with a distinctively sociological form of explanation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Sari Herleni

This article describes about the figure of children world in a short story “Anggrek Rara” written by Ina Inong, by connecting the social structure in the text and in the real life. After analyzing the social structure in the story, it is found that the plot of this story was the progressive plot, the background was from the social fact that came from inner house and outer house, otherwise the central character were Rara and Bunda. By analyzing social structure of text, it was found that a family (home) is the serious and formal environment while outer house is free and non formal. The result of the research showed that the children short story “ Anggrek Rara” was expected to give the figure outlines of the children world.AbstrakPenelitian ini membahas tentang gambaran dunia anak dalam cerita pendek anak “Anggrek Rara” karya Ina Inong dengan menghubungkan struktur sosial teks dalam karya dan struktur sosial teks dengan realitas. Melalui analisis struktur sosial dalam karya terungkap bahwa alur cerita ini merupakan alur lurus, latar terdiri dari fakta sosial yang bersumber dari rumah dan di luar rumah, sedangkan tokoh Rara dan Bunda adalah tokoh sentral. Melalui analisis struktur sosial teks dengan realitas terungkap bahwa keluarga (rumah) merupakan lingkungan yang sifatnya serius dan formal, sedangkan di luar rumah bahkan bersifat bebas dan non formal. Hasil yang diperoleh dari analisis ini menunjukkan bahwa cerita pendek anak “Anggrek Rara” dianggap mampu memberikan garis-garis besar gambaran kehidupan dunia anak.


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