scholarly journals Analisis Kontruksi Struktural dan Kewenangan DPR dalam Fungsi Legislasi Berdasarkan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 348
Author(s):  
Ahmad Yani
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Major Influence ◽  
Constitutional Amendments ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Analytical Research ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

Indonesia telah mengalami empat kali amandemen terhadap UUD 1945, dimana amandemen tersebut memberikan pengaruh besar terhadap kewenangan DPR dalam menjalankan fungsi legislasi. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum deskriptif yuridis analitis, dengan menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif, dan melalui studi kepustakaan terhadap literatur yang berkaitan dengan kewenangan DPR dalam fungsi legislasi. Sehingga dalam tulisan ini penulis membahas mengenai implikasi mekanisme perubahan UUD 1945 terhadap struktur dan kewenangan DPR serta dinamika politik dan kepentingan adanya perubahan kewenangan DPR dalam Legislasi DPR berdasarkan UUD 1945. Perubahan konstitusi hingga peraturan perundang-undangan terkait dibawahnya saat ini telah menempatkan DPR pada posisi lemah. Lemahnya fungsi DPR dalam pembuatan undang-undang juga diakibatkan dengan kondisi parlemen dengan konflik kekuasaan antara pemerintah dan partai politik. Konflik yang disebabkan karena adanya keinginan untuk menguasai posisi dalam pimpinan di DPR, Komisi dan Alat Kelengkapan Dewan lainnya.Indonesia has experienced four amendments to the Constitution, in which the amendment has a major influence on the authority of People’s Representative Assembly (DPR) in carrying out its legislative functions. This research is a descriptive juridical analytical research, using normative juridical approach, and through library research of literature related to DPR’s authority in legislative function. In this research the author discusses the mechanism implications from The amended 1945 Constitution on the structure and the DPR’s authority. The author also discusses about political dynamics and interests for change in the DPR’s authority in Legislation based on the 1945 Constitution. Constitutional amendments to the relevant legislation under it have placed the DPR in a weak position. The weak function of the House of Representatives in the law drafting is also due to the condition of parliament with the conflict of power between the government and political parties. The conflicts were caused by the desire to control positions in the leadership of the DPR, Comissions and other Councils.

scholarly journals Penghakiman oleh Pers Nasional: Suatu Kritik atas Kebebasan Pers dalam Pemberitaan Perkara Tindak Pidana Korupsi

Humaniora ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 216
Author(s):  
Vidya Prahassacitta
Keyword(s):  
Social Responsibility ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Code Of Conduct ◽  
High Position ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Press ◽  
Freedom Of Press ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

The 1998 reform in Indonesia has changed freedom press in Indonesia. Now press implements libertarian model which puts freedom first instead of responsibility. Previously, press implemented soviet communist model which put responsibility first instead of freedom. Fifteen years later, press in Indonesia has become political tool by the owner of the press company who has high position in political party participating in the 2014 election. This reflects on the disproportional news regarding corruption cases conducted by the government officer or parliament member from the contender party. Such news delivers not only facts but also misleading opinions to the society which creates trial by the press. In fact, presumption of innocent principle is a foundation for press reporting news as stipulated in Law No. 40 Year 1999 concerning Press and Journalistic Code of Conduct. In libertarian press there are always borders but such borders are not effective since the freedom of press in Indonesia is powerful. Article used qualitative and library research with secondary sources of law to gain a solution to this problem. Therefore, Press Board should maximize its function in supervising the implementation of presumption of innocent principle and to raise society awareness regarding the law supremacy. In the end, to fulfill press social responsibility, a press profession court shall be established to keep press independency. 

scholarly journals KOALISI DAN PENGELOLAAN KOALISI, PADA PEMERINTAHAN JOKO WIDODO-JUSUF KALLA

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Efriza Efriza
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Political Market ◽  
Institutional Competition ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Presidential Systems ◽  
Modern Era

<pre><em><span lang="EN">This paper discusses the relationship between the President and the House of Representatives and the coalition government based on the three years of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), who was trapped in inter-institutional competition as a consequence of a mixture of presidential and multi-party systems</span></em><em><span lang="IN">.</span></em><em></em><em><span lang="IN">Initialy</span></em><em><span lang="EN">, President Jokowi has the desire to realize a coalition based on ideology and the same program (consensus coalition) between political parties, but the reality, it is difficult to make it happen in government,</span></em><em><span lang="IN"> finally President Jokowi re-elected a coalition of “all parties”</span></em><em><span lang="EN">. </span></em><em><span lang="IN">Using </span></em><em><span lang="EN">some of the basics of Scott Mainwaring and David Altman about presidential and multiparty combination systems and coalitions in presidential systems, complemented by several Coalitions. Then, complete the results of Otto Kirchheimer on Catch All Party, to outline the transformation of the party in this modern era. Accompanied by discussions on political parties in Indonesia, based on Yasraf Amir Piliang's description of political nomadism. Based on the facts and outcomes, a combination of presidential and multiparty systems and the government's management of government by President Jokowi, which manages a "fat" coalition with accommodative leadership and transactional performances. Matters relating to the harmonious relationship between the President and the House of Representatives with the consequence that the President is committed to realizing an unconditional coalition and not for the power-seats. Coalition management can be done because the choice of the party that develops as a supporter of the government is also based not only on the need for political imagery in order to encourage electoral in the political market, but also in the spirit of the party.</span></em><em></em></pre><pre><em><span lang="EN">                                                                                                                          </span></em><span lang="EN">                               </span></pre><pre><strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">Key</span></em></strong><strong><em></em></strong><strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">words</span></em></strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">: </span></em><em><span lang="EN">Presidential System, Coalition Government, the President-Parliament Relations, Leadership Jokowi </span></em><em></em></pre>

scholarly journals Menakar Konstitusionalitas Syari’at Islam dan Mahkamah Syar’iyah di Provinsi Aceh

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 606
Author(s):  
Hani Adhani
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
High Court ◽  
Technical Management ◽  
Aceh Province ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

Salah satu point penting yang diatur dalam perjanjian Helsinki terkait dengan penegakan hukum di Aceh adalah diberlakukannya Qanun dengan tujuan untuk menghormati tradisi sejarah Islam dan adat istiadat rakyat Aceh yang mayoritas muslim. Selain itu, untuk mensinergikan antara Qanun dengan pengadilan, maka di Provinsi Aceh dibentuk suatu sistem peradilan Syar’iyah yang tidak memihak dan independen, termasuk pengadilan tinggi yang tetap merupakan bagian dari sistem peradilan Republik Indonesia. Pembentukan Pengadilan Syar’iyah di Provinsi Aceh merupakan salah satu upaya untuk membuat kekhususan sebagaimana diatur dalam perjanjian Helsinki pada tahun 2005.  Namun, dalam dataran teknis pengaturan manajemen pengadilan Syar’iyah juga masih terkendala khususnya oleh karena adanya dua aturan hukum yang berlaku yaitu Qanun yang dibuat oleh Dewan Perwakilam Rakyat Daerah Provinsi Aceh dan undang-undang yang dibuat oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat beserta Presiden. Hal tersebut berakibat Undang-Undang Pemerintahan Aceh yang mengatur tentang teknis pengaturan pengadilan Syar’iyah dan pembuatan Qanun juga banyak di lakukan judicial review ke Mahkamah Konstitusi. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk melakukan analisa tentang efektifitas pemberlakukan Qanun dan pengadilan Syar’iyah di Provinsi Aceh pasca di undangkannya Undang-Undang Pemerintahan Aceh. Adapun tulisan ini dibuat dengan menggunakan metode penulisan normatif dengan pendekatan studi historis dan pendekatan studi kasus. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pengadilan Syar’iyah yang telah dibentuk di Provinsi Aceh meski pada awalnya mengalami kendala namun dapat berjalan baik. Adanya kekhususan yang diberikan kepada Provinsi Aceh merupakan bagian dari upaya untuk menjalankan amanat konstitusi khususnya Pasal 18B UUD 1945.Kata kunci: Qanun, Pemerintahan Aceh, Mahkamah Syar’iyah, Mahkamah Konstitusi. Abstract One crucial point stipulated in the Helsinki agreement related to law enforcement in Aceh is the enactment of the Qanun with the aim of respecting Islamic historical traditions and the customs of the Acehnese people who are predominantly Muslim. Besides, to synergise between the Qanun and the court, in the Province of Aceh a Syar'iyah justice system was formed which was impartial and independent, including a high court which remained part of the judicial system of the Republic of Indonesia. The establishment of the Shariah Law in Aceh Province was one of the efforts to make it specific as stipulated in the Helsinki agreement in 2005. However, in the field of technical management of the Syariah court management is also still constrained especially due to the existence of two applicable laws namely the Qanun made by the Aceh Province Regional People's Representative Council and laws made by the House of Representatives and the President. This resulted in the Law on the Government of Aceh governing the Syar'iyah court and the Qanun being judged by the Constitutional Court. This paper aims to analyse the effectiveness of the implementation of Qanun and the Syar'iyah court in Aceh Province after the enactment of the Law on the Governing of Aceh. The writing is made using normative writing methods with historical study approaches, and case study approaches. The results of the study showed that the Syar'iyah court which had been formed in the Aceh Province even though initially had problems but could work well. The specificity given to the Aceh Province is part of an effort to carry out the mandate of the constitution, especially Article 18B of the 1945 Constitution. 

scholarly journals Al-Manhâj al-Fiqhî ‘Inda Jamâ’ah “Muassah al-Da’wah al-Islâmiyah al-Indûnîsiyah” (Lembaga Dakwah Islam Indonesia) wa Âtsâruhu Fî Istinbâth al-Ahkâm al-Syar’iyyah

2022 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 558-594
Author(s):  
Moh. Abdul Kholiq Hasan ◽  
Iskandar Dzulkarnain ◽  
Muh. Nashirudin
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Legal Decisions ◽  
Sharia Law ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Descriptive Qualitative

Indonesian Islamic Da’wa Institution or Lembaga Dakwah Islam Indonesia (LDII) tends to embrace exclusivity and takfiri ideology. This article attempts to reveal the fiqh manhaj (method) that LDII employs and its influences on the legal decisions LDII takes by employing the library research method in descriptive qualitative type. The content analysis in tandem with document triangulation and structured interviews were applied to investigate the textual references LDII uses. The findings indicate that LDII employs a fiqh manhaj called manqul. This influences the law istinbath of LDII. Mandatory to remain in the congregation (jamaah), taking the oath of allegiance to the leader of the jamaah, the claim by the jamaah leader of the right to construct sharia law, license to lie, and takfiri are some controversial products of the manqul. With takfiri as the most dangerous product of the manqul, it befalls the government of Indonesia to watch over this jamaah. اشتهرت مؤسسة الدعوة الإسلامية الإندونيسية أو ما يسمى بـــ LDII بتكفيرها على جميع المسلمين سوى جماعتهم. وتهدف هذه الدراسة لمعرفة أصل المنهج الفقهي عند هذه الجماعة وآثاره في استنباط الأحكام الشرعية عندهم. واعتمدت الدراسة على منهج البحث الوصفي التحليلي، بطريقة تحليل المحتوي أو ما يسمى بــ (content analysis). وقد توصلت الدراسة إلى القول بأن أصل المنهج الفقهي عند هذه الجماعة هو ما يسمى بـ"المنقول". وإن لهذا المنهج الفقهي أثار كبير في استنباط الأحكام الشرعية عند هذه الجماعة. ومن بينها: لزوم الناس لجماعتهم، وجوب البيعة لإمامهم، وجوب الإنفاق، ادعاء إمامهم أن لهم حقّ في تشريع الأحكام، إباحة التقية أو الكذب على الآخرين. ومن أخطر هذه المخالفات تكفيرهم لجميع المسلمين ممن ليسوا من جماعتهم. لأن هذا الاستنباط له أثر سيئ لوحدة الشعب، ولذا على حكومة إندونيسيا أن تتنبه دائما تجاه هذه الجماعة المنحرفة.

Thailand’s Prayut may keep power in a civilian regime

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Recovery ◽  
National Council ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Subject Thailand's long-delayed election. Significance More than 40 new political parties have been registered in Thailand since March 2, and established parties will be allowed to begin registering members on April 1, as Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha and the military-led National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) begin a process of preparing for a long-delayed general election. The 2017 constitution initiated by the NCPO allows the (to be re-established) House of Representatives to select an ‘outsider’ as prime minister if it is unable to decide on a party-affiliated figure. Impacts Persistent election delays will not affect Thailand’s current economic recovery. Despite mounting political pressure on the government to commit to a poll, anti-government protests will not grow. Improving relations with the United States could insulate the government from EU pressure on delayed elections.

Reviews: The Morals of Markets. An Ethical Exploration, La Pensee Politique D'edmund Burke. 1972, Hegel's Development: Toward, The Sunlight, 1770–1801, Hegel's Political Philosophy: Problems and Perspectives, New Studies in Hegel's Philosophy, Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, Social Anarchism, The Myth of the Master Race: Alfred Rosenberg and Nazi Ideology, The Spread of the Russian Revolution. Essays on 1917, The Russian Revolution of 1917. Contemporary Accounts, The Causes of the English Revolution 1529–1642, The Fifth Monarchy Men, The Study of Political Science Today, Sociologie Politique, Anti-Politics, Consensus, Reform and Protest in Britain, Crossing the Floor, Political Parties in Britain, An Organizational and Functional Guide, Edited and Introduced, Community Action and Race Relations, The Government and Politics of West Germany, Das Politische System Grossbritanniens, Die Stellung Der Parlamentsminderheiten in England, Der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Und Italien, West German Politics, The Politics of Unreason: Right-Wing Extremism in America, 1790–1970, the Seniority System in Congress, Party Leaders in the House of Representatives, American Political Parties: Potential and Performance, Singapore's People's Action Party, Buddhist Politics—Japan's Clean Government Party, Political Mobilization of the Venezuelan Peasant, Ghana under Military Rule 1966–69, International Administration, Peace in Parts: Integration and Conflict in Regional Organization

1972 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 488-524
Author(s):  
P. P. Nicholson ◽  
I. D. Lloyd-Jones ◽  
W. H. Greenleaf ◽  
Martin Clark ◽  
A. Carter ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Community Action ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
English Revolution ◽  
Sociologie Politique ◽  
Nazi Ideology ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Performance

scholarly journals Political Parties and the Law

1996 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 317-320
Author(s):  
Howard A. Scarrow
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Political Science Association ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
State Laws ◽  
Party Development ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
American Political Science ◽  
The Impact

Political scientists have long been aware of the relationship between American political parties and the law. That relationship began prior to the turn of the century when states introduced the government-printed Australian ballot, an innovation which required states to determine the standards for parties to gain access to that ballot. Those early laws set the stage for the later Progressive-inspired laws imposing on officially recognized parties a variety of regulations, most notably the requirement that the parties nominate their candidates through the process of primary elections. In recent years political scientists have supplemented this traditional focus on the historical impact of state laws on party development with a new focus: the impact on parties of decisions rendered by the judiciary, especially by the United States Supreme Court. It is this later development which inspired the Political Organizations and Parties Section of the American Political Science Association to sponsor a workshop on "Parties and the Law" at the 1995 Annual Meeting of the Association. Three of the papers presented at that workshop are included in this issue of The American Review of Politics.

scholarly journals KEDUDUKAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI SEBAGAI LEMBAGA NEGARA BERDASARKAN UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR 1945

Solusi ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-105
Author(s):  
Johansyah Johansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The Constitutional Court is the executive branch of the judiciary that is independent and separate from other branches of power, namely the government (executive) and legislative institutions. The Constitutional Court as a first and last level judiciary does not have an organizational structure as large as the Supreme Court which is the peak of a judicial system whose structure is vertically and horizontally covers five judicial environments, namely the general court environment, the state administrative court environment, the religious court environment, and military court environment. As an organ of judicial power that operates the judicial function, the Constitutional Court is independent, both structurally and functionally. The functions and authorities of the Constitutional Court based on Law No. 24 of 2003, namely the Constitutional Court has the authority to hear: Test the laws against the Republic of Indonesia 1945 Constitution; Decide on authority disputes between state institutions whose authority is granted by the Republic of Indonesia 1945 Constitution; Decide the dissolution of political parties; Decide disputes about election results; Give a verdict on the opinion of the House of Representatives that the President and / or Vice-President are suspected of violating the law in the form of treason, corruption, bribery, other serious crimes, or despicable acts, or no longer fulfill the conditions as President and or Vice President, as intended in the Republic of Indonesia 1945 Constitution.

scholarly journals TINJAUAN HUKUM KEADAAN MEMAKSA(FORCE MAJEURE) DALAM PELAKSANAAN KONTRAK BISNIS PADA MASA PANDEMI COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
pp. 168-180
Author(s):  
Besty Habeahan ◽  
Sena Rusiana Siallagan
Keyword(s):  
Great Effort ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Force Majeure ◽  
Business Contract ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
National Disaster ◽  
Interest Costs

The Legal Review of Force Majeure in the implementation of business contracts during the covid-19 pandemic objectives of knowing whether covid 19 pandemic defined by the government as a national disaster which can be classified as a force majeure in the implementation of business contract and to find out how to solve the law against default in the implementation of business contract during the covid 19 as a national disaster. The library research, namely the research conducted in the library where the data is obtained from available data by reading and studying books such as laws of regulation, Scientific works, dictionaries and so on. Based on the method used, the result of this study indicate that force majeure is relative, so the cases that occur must be studied first, because not all the parties get loss but some of them get profit, for the implementation of achievement can be done by considering great effort and sacrifice. Relative Force Majeure is exemption from lost and interest costs, but not for cancelation of agreement. A right solution to solve from dispute is by negotiating with the parties, because the covid 19 pandemic it’s self is a new event.

scholarly journals PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD DAN PARLEMENTARY THRESHOLD DALAM SISTEM PEMILU SERENTAK DI INDONESIA

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-88
Author(s):  
Irma Garwan ◽  
Anwar Hidayat
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
Legal Principles ◽  
The People ◽  
Election System ◽  
Approach Method ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

Indonesia adalah negara hukum dengan pemerintahan yang demokratis. Pemerintahan demokrasi adalah pemerintahan dari rakyat, oleh rakyat dan untuk rakyat, karena itulah rakyat memiliki kekuasaan tertinggi. Metode pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif yaitu metode dengan menginventarisasi, mengkaji, dan meneliti data sekunder berupa peraturan perundang-undangan, asas-asas hukum, pengertian-pengertian hukum, kasus yang berkaitan dengan masalah dalam permasalahan dalam tulisan ini. dan sistem Presidential Threshold tidak perlu dipersyaratkan dan perlu dihapuskan dalam Pasal 222 Undang-Undang Nomor. 7 tahun 2017 tentang Pemilu, karena Pemilu tahun 2019 dilaksanakan serentak antara pemilihan legislatif dan eksekutif dan tidak ada dan relefan lagi syarat itu, namun yang dikhwatirkan ialah adanya calon tunggal dan ada banyaknya kandidat yang dicalonkan partai politik.   Kata Kunci : Presidential Threshold, Parlementary Threshold, Sistem Pemilu Indonesia is a legal country with a democratic government. Democratic governance is the government of the people, by the people and for the people, which is why people have the highest authority. The approach method used in this study is normative juridical, namely the method of inventorying, reviewing, and examining secondary data in the form of legislation, legal principles, legal understandings, cases relating to problems in the problems in this paper. and the Presidential Threshold system does not need to be required and needs to be abolished in Article 222 of the Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections, because the 2019 elections are held simultaneously between legislative and executive elections and there are no and more conditions, but the concern is the existence of a single candidate and there are many candidates nominated by political parties.   Keywords: Presidential Threshold, Parliamentary Threshold, Election System

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document