scholarly journals Reinterpreting the Relationship between the Caste System and Marxism

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yash Chauhan

In India, sixty years ago it was irrefutable that the structure of the caste system paralleled the Marxist view of class organization, in terms of the lower castes' lack of vertical mobility, dependence on hereditary division of labour, and deficiency of capital and land. In fact, since its emergence in 1964, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) has maintained that it would be in the best interest of lower caste individuals to support a Marxist agenda to launch nationwide class struggle to free themselves from the shackles of the caste system. It is also true that, in the 1970s, 85% percent of lower caste individuals made up the bottom 35% of India’s financial ladder, leading to the quotidian Marxian argument that the lower castes can be equated to the proletariat of Western Society. While these arguments might have some truth to them, this essay will explore why India, over the last sixty years, has endured too great of a reformation in terms of the caste system to simply be equated to the Marxist class organization. The disparity between the negativism of the CPI(M) and the current extent of oppression of the lower caste is shown, through the exploration of logical incorencies on the part of the CPI(M) and the lower caste perception of the policies directed at them by both left and right-wing political parties. Furthermore, it is established why the notion of an entire Marxist class revolution no longer has political appeal amongst the lower caste: the reservations and affirmative action on the part of the current administration. Yet it is still conceded that, although used in an orthogonally different manner, the Marxist framework can, to a certain extent, still be applied to current organization of the caste system in India.

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 146-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Huber ◽  
Christian H. Schimpf

This study examines the differences and commonalities of how populist parties of the left and right relate to democracy. The focus is narrowed to the relationship between these parties and two aspects of democratic quality, minority rights and mutual constraints. Our argument is twofold: first, we contend that populist parties can exert distinct influences on minority rights, depending on whether they are left-wing or right-wing populist parties. Second, by contrast, we propose that the association between populist parties and mutual constraints is a consequence of the populist element and thus, we expect no differences between the left-wing and right-wing parties. We test our expectations against data from 30 European countries between 1990 and 2012. Our empirical findings support the argument for the proposed differences regarding minority rights and, to a lesser extent, the proposed similarities regarding mutual constraints. Therefore we conclude that, when examining the relationship between populism and democracy, populism should not be considered in isolation from its host ideology.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1323
Author(s):  
Berit Madsen

Why do some people consider others "untouchable"? Why do upper caste people sprinkle water to purify themselves when touched by a Dalit?This documentary film explores the caste system in Nepal as it is experienced by lower castes - the Dalit - and upper caste people. Through the words of Dalit, the film reveals many of the paradoxes in the upper caste based discrimination, like: why are the shoes made by the Sarki lower caste people allowed into the house when the person who made the shoes cannot enter?The Dalit are not one homogenous group of people, but a common denominator for a variety of lower caste people living in Nepal. The film moves from the hill regions in West Nepal to the Terai in the south and put focus on different Dalit castes, their living circumstances within the Nepalese caste system and the Dalits' migration from the hill regions to the Terai in the hope of making a better living.In 1990 the practice of caste-based discrimination was declared illegal and punishable by law in Nepal. But the caste system still forms an essential part of the cultural landscape.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Lawrence ◽  
John Sides ◽  
Henry Farrell

Political scientists and political theorists debate the relationship between participation and deliberation among citizens with different political viewpoints. Blogs provide an important testing ground for their claims. We examine deliberation, polarization, and political participation among blog readers. We find that blog readers gravitate toward blogs that accord with their political beliefs. Few read blogs on both the left and right of the ideological spectrum. Furthermore, those who read left-wing blogs and those who read right-wing blogs are ideologically far apart. Blog readers are more polarized than either non-blog-readers or consumers of various television news programs, and roughly as polarized as US senators. Blog readers also participate more in politics than non-blog readers. Readers of blogs of different ideological dispositions do not participate less than those who read only blogs of one ideological disposition. Instead, readers of both left- and right-wing blogs and readers of exclusively leftwing blogs participate at similar levels, and both participate more than readers of exclusively right-wing blogs. This may reflect social movement-building efforts by left-wing bloggers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 296-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gábor Halmai

AbstractThe paper deals with the relationship of different types of populism with authoritarianism and constitutionalism. In the first part, I try to define various approaches—Left and Right-Wing, “good” or “bad”—to populism, especially from the point of view of whether they aim at changing the liberal democratic constitutional system to an authoritarian one. The following part discusses the rhetoric of authoritarian populists, which makes this type of populism distinct from non-populist authoritarians. The paper also explores the question of whom to blame for the success of authoritarian populisms, and the final part investigates, whether the use of legal tools by an authoritarian populist to dismantle liberal constitutional democracies means that we can speak about a special populist constitutionalism. While the paper tries to find out the joint characteristics of authoritarian populism, it heavily relies on the Hungarian experiences as a kind of model approach in East-Central Europe and maybe even beyond.


2021 ◽  
pp. 250-260
Author(s):  
Dede Atika Purba ◽  
Jumino Suhadi ◽  
Purwarno Purwarno

This research is concerned with the local wisdom of Dayok Binatur in the Simalungun community. Local wisdom is a collection of knowledge, practices and beliefs that evolved through adaptive process (adjustment) passed from generation to generation through culture, associated with the relationship between living beings (including humans) and the surrounding environment (Berkes, 1993). In the Simalungun community, Dayok Binatur is made from chicken and arranged on a plate. It is used as a symbol of intermediary to convey a message, advice and hope delivered from one side of the family to the other and usually presented at the Simalungun community’s traditional and special events. This research was conducted using qualitative descriptive methods. The results show that there are ten parts of chicken meat called gori, namely the head (ulu), neck (borgok), breast (tuppak), left and right wing (habong), base of thigh (tulan bolon), thigh (tulan parnamur), leg (kais-kais), the egg-producing organ (tuahni), liver (bilalang), and tail (ihur). Four objects are used, such as the head (ulu), neck (borgok), wing (hahong), and leg (kais-kais), which carry cultural symbols and local wisdom. The head (ulu) refers to leadership; the neck (borgok) refers to problem solving; the wings (habong) refers to protection; and the leg (kais-kais) refers to responsibility. The local wisdoms in Dayok Binatur are needed to maintain the balance of life. Keywords: Local Wisdom, Simalungun, Dayok Binatur


2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212097260
Author(s):  
Johanna Kantola ◽  
Emanuela Lombardo

Populism is everywhere in Europe today: in politics and in research. Most research on populism has neglected the relationship between gender equality and populism. The aim of this symposium is precisely to scrutinize the relationship between feminist politics and right-wing and left-wing populist parties in Europe. The contribution of the symposium is twofold: to empirically investigate the relationship between feminist politics and both left and right populism, so as to provide a more holistic picture of their impact on feminist politics; and to study populist political parties both at the national level and at the level of the European Parliament. The symposium demonstrates the centrality of gender issues in the politics of populist parties and documents the effects populism has on gender relations, gender equality policies, and feminist politics.


1995 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Durrheim ◽  
Don Foster ◽  
Colin Tredoux

The role of relative deprivation and authoritarianism in predicting militancy and the potential for political protest form the backdrop of this study. The influence of conceptions of regime legitimacy as a variable mediating this relationship was investigated by means of a factorial design, employing a white student sample ( N = 135). Conceptions of legitimacy were manipulated by dividing the sample into left- and right-wing subsamples. The left- and right-wing samples were found to demonstrate different conceptions of relative intergroup status between blacks and whites under the regimes which they considered to be their ‘least legitimate political parties’. The left-wing associated illegitimacy with increased status advantages, and were prepared to employ militant strategies under this hypothesized regime in response to these unfair status advantages. Anti-authoritarianism was associated with potential militancy for the whole sample. Results are discussed in terms of the possibility of non-violent social transformation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-185
Author(s):  
Sung Min Han ◽  
Mi Jeong Shin

AbstractIn this article, we argue that rising housing prices increase voter approval of incumbent governments because such a rise increases personal wealth, which leads to greater voter satisfaction. This effect is strongest under right-wing governments because those who benefit from rising prices—homeowners—are more likely to be right-leaning. Non-homeowners, who are more likely to vote for left-leaning parties, will view rising housing prices as a disadvantage and therefore feel the government does not serve them well, which will mitigate the advantage to left-wing governments. We find support for our arguments using both macro-level data (housing prices and government approval ratings in 16 industrialized countries between 1960 and 2017) and micro-level data (housing prices and individuals’ vote choices in the United Kingdom using the British Household Panel Survey). The findings imply that housing booms benefit incumbent governments generally and right-wing ones in particular.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 296-311
Author(s):  
Paul Stephan

Abstract Four new publications provide an overview of the relationship between Nietzsche’s philosophical thought and his political commitments. Together they highlight the true complexity of Nietzsche’s politics, since some of his ideas can be adapted to anarchist and right-wing positions as much as, for instance, to Frankfurt School critical theory. At the same time, these contributions underscore the limitations of a strictly positivist, or philological approach, since any assessment of Nietzsche’s politics cannot be detached from the political faultlines of the present.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062097802
Author(s):  
Todd K. Hartman ◽  
Thomas V. A. Stocks ◽  
Ryan McKay ◽  
Jilly Gibson-Miller ◽  
Liat Levita ◽  
...  

Research has demonstrated that situational factors such as perceived threats to the social order activate latent authoritarianism. The deadly COVID-19 pandemic presents a rare opportunity to test whether existential threat stemming from an indiscriminate virus moderates the relationship between authoritarianism and political attitudes toward the nation and out-groups. Using data from two large nationally representative samples of adults in the United Kingdom ( N = 2,025) and Republic of Ireland ( N = 1,041) collected during the initial phases of strict lockdown measures in both countries, we find that the associations between right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and (1) nationalism and (2) anti-immigrant attitudes are conditional on levels of perceived threat. As anxiety about the COVID-19 pandemic increases, so too does the effect of RWA on those political outcomes. Thus, it appears that existential threats to humanity from the COVID-19 pandemic moderate expressions of authoritarianism in society.


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