scholarly journals Claim and Association of Differently Located Ritual and Political Actors Associated with the Village Shrine among the Rajbansi People of Morang, Nepal

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 53-60
Author(s):  
Bhim Prasad Rai

This paper discusses how differently located ritual actors (Dhami) and socio-political actors or leaders (Jimdar) among the Rajbansi community link or associate themselves with the Maharaj Than to claim or legitimize their ritual and political power what Sherry Ortner (1989) calls it “to gain upper hand” in the Rajbansi society. Because the Maharaj Than possesses ʻa great virtueʼ among the Rajbansi society. Drawing on the ethnographic study of three village shrines of Morang district conducted during 2015-16 among the Rajbanshi. It further discusses how the ritual actors among the Rajbanshi people progressively lost their ritual and spiritual ‘power’ along with the advent of central state’s extractive economic policies, the changed environmental and ecological conditions of the Tarai.

ARISTO ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 204
Author(s):  
Marno Wance ◽  
Raoda M. Djae

Political power occurring in the village heads elections is a part of political power contestation wave started simultaneously in 2015. South Halmahera Regency is one of the regions participating in this political power contestation. At the contestation process, it is seen that the village residents are divided into some divisions based on their political choices. This situation continues to happen in the simultaneous village head elections in South Halmahera Regency in 2016. It attracts political actors to be involved in intervening power and dominance to win the contestation. Therefore, political power is used to carry out the basis of consolidation for winning the elections. This political power treats long-term power because the greater base of political power at the village level has been formed. The expected benefit of this study is to expand our horizon on political power issues, particularly in the village head elections context. Practically, this study can contribute to study material from various interested parties to analyze electoral conflicts that occur at the lowest level such as at Babang Village and Marabose Village. Besides that, the study also sees the involvement of regional actors and local governments in intervening to dominate power using the authority they have.


Author(s):  
I Ketut Sida Arsa ◽  
Ni Made Ary Widiastini

This study was aimed at explaining jewelry production, its development and implications of the developing trends. This study was conducted in Celuk Village, Gianyar Regency, a place or arena of production, distribution and at the same time sale of jewelry in Bali, Indonesia, in which Celuk is regarded as the basis for jewelry. This paper explains the development of jewelry at the beginning of the emergence of tourism and the implications, and the introduction of casting machine as the method of production which had an implication in the change of human labor, in which the artisans became machine power regarded as more professional in jewelry production. The data of this ethnographic study were collected through observation, in-depth interview, library research, and internet search. The finding showed that the presence of jewelry that is developing in Celuk Village does not give an optimal positive contribution to the community of the village as artisans, but in stead, it gives profits to the people outside the village who are involved in the development of the jewelry trends. The entrance of tourism with the implication on the high level of jewelry production and sale in Celuk Village started from 1980s gave profits to tour guides who were regarded as the ones who deserve to get fee in a large amount by the artisans. When there was a trend in jewelry in 2010-2014, in which the demand for jewelry like accessories for kebaya cloth for going to the temple and a ring with gemstone drove away the artisans whose position had been replaced by casting machines and workers who came from outside of Celuk Village who were regarded more professional by jewelry business people in producing standard jewelry in a large quantity. In this paper it is understood that artisans in Celuk Village are not able to obtain an optimal use from jewelry trends that develop in their location due to various factors such as the low level of education of the artisans, low level of profesionalism in working, and the low level of ability of the artisans in production management


Author(s):  
Amal Adel Abdrabo

The plight of refugees fleeing from Palestine in 1948 raises several key questions regarding their historical fragmentation as a nation and their future. From a social anthropological point of view, the existing literature seems to tackle the Palestinian case from different perspectives influenced by the mass exodus of Palestinians from their homeland. Such perceptions took for granted the recognition of the state of “refugeeness” of the exiled Palestinians around the globe, while, in reality, it is a mutual interaction between people, place, and time. In the aftermath of the Arab-Israeli War at the beginning of the year 1948, more than 700,000 Palestinians fled their homes in Palestine to the nearby Arab countries, among them was Egypt. Some thousands settled in different areas all over Egypt. Based on a preliminary research on the literature, the author can argue that this is the first ethnographic study of the social life of the village of Jaziret Fadel and its Palestinian inhabitants in Egypt. The chapter is about tackling the historical trajectories, genealogies, memories, and present of the inhabitants of this village who seemed to be torn between two nostalgic pasts. The author's emphasis within this chapter is about how the narratives of the past memories could reveal a lot about the present time of the human societies and their future.


1982 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph Thaxton

In April of 1980 I was received by the Henan Province History Research Institute of the Henan Province Chinese Academy of Social Sciences to begin the first systematic oral political history project on peasant revolution in modern China. The focus of this project is on the problems of livelihood faced by the peasants of Lin county and several other counties in the pre-Liberation period, roughly 1911–49. In May I began an investigation of the history of rural Lin county and the village of Yao Cun, Lin county, Henan. In this essay I will sketch the general social and political history of Yao village in Republican years, and then draw from my preliminary field research to explain the relationship between land rent, the impoverishment of peasant smallholders, and political power in pre-Liberation China in one North China village. This relationship has received minimal emphasis in the literature on peasantry and change in pre-1949 China. One of the many reasons for this has been the tendency of past scholarship to stress the critically important role of the ‘middle peasant village’ in the Chinese revolution. The evidence from Yao cun offers a slight qualification of this middle peasant thesis.


2009 ◽  
Vol 197 ◽  
pp. 126-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusheng Yao

AbstractThis study of competitive elections in a northern China village identifies two contradictions: one between villagers and village officials, the other between village elite and those seeking power. The one between villagers and the old leadership in the village focuses on the latter's corruption and bad governance, which had led to serious erosion and unfair distribution of the collective property. The one between villagers and the new leadership lies in the latter's failure to address the problems left by the old leadership. Both led to popular discontent and fuelled political participation. The contradiction between elite members focuses on competing for political office, which has resulted in the formation of factions and factionalism in both election and post-election politics and has become a salient feature of the village politics. The investigation of this village with governing problems found that free elections have brought about a radical redistribution of political power, but little satisfaction to villagers because their deep-seated desire for a fair redistribution of the collective property remains unfulfilled.


1991 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 266
Author(s):  
Robert Davis ◽  
Wilbur H. Watson

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Borriello

The Eurozone crisis and the remarkable convergence of national governments towards austerity policies draw scholars’ attention to the discursive strategies that they have used in order to legitimate their economic decisions. This article studies the common features of austerity discourse beyond national and partisan boundaries. It relies on an in-depth analysis combining lexicography and the study of metaphors in speeches of the Italian and Spanish heads of government between 2011 and 2013. While drawing on recent work addressing the legitimation of economic policies, this research takes a step back in order to shed light on the broader discourse on which austerity policies rely and in order to explain the common patterns in various political actors’ discourse. Rooted in a post-foundational approach, it identifies several discursive strategies for depoliticising economic issues (e.g. the construction of an economic common sense, the appeal to external constraints and the metaphorical naturalisation of economics), thus unveiling their political nature. The ‘restructuring’ and ‘rescaling’ of social practices are identified as the main mechanisms pertaining to the articulation of such a broader hegemonic discourse.


ICL Journal ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanaa Ahmed

AbstractDespite a rich history of judicial review, the activism witnessed during the tenure of former Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry (2005-2013The Chaudhry court’s activism is mapped against the historic trajectory of judicial review in Pakistan, particularly the cases pertaining to military takeovers and administrative law. It is contended that the seeming expansion of the frontiers of judicial review merely mark the renegotiation of political power between the judiciary, the military as well as political and economic elite. Further, it is argued that the economy was the most convenient amphi­theatre for this battle for greater political relevance by and among the political actors in contemporary Pakistan and not, as alleged, what was actually being fought over.


2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (04) ◽  
pp. 47-73
Author(s):  
Diana Kapiszewski

Abstract Beginning in the 1980s, social and political actors across Latin America turned to courts in unprecedented numbers to contest economic policies. Very different patterns of high court–elected branch interaction over economic governance emerged across the region, with crucial implications for economic development, democratic governance, and the rule of law. Building on both institutional and strategic accounts of judicial politics, this article argues that high court “character,” a relatively stable congeries of informal institutional features, channels interbranch struggles into persistent patterns. Two case studies illustrate the argument. In Argentina, the high court's political character encouraged a pattern of court submission to elected leaders marked by periodic bouts of interbranch confrontation over economic governance. In Brazil, the high court's statesmanlike character induced interbranch accommodation. This study demonstrates that even in politically unstable settings, institutional features can shape law and politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-52
Author(s):  
Stephen T. Sadlier

This portrait of activist education, drawn from a larger ethnographic study into critical literacies and teacher activism in Oaxaca, Mexico in the wake of a teacher-driven social movement, showcases the celebrating of a popular, contentious national hero, Benito Juárez. In Mexico’s poorest region, where teacher mobilization on the streets and learning strategies in schools intersect, resistance to authoritarianism and instructional compliance with officialdom often overlap. Although critical multicultural approaches advocate for teaching to reduce the achievement gap or to critique extant power structures and practices, this article locates the repositioning of a mainstream historical personage as a pedagogical package, an allegory for justice and equality. Deploying the hero as a pedagogical package, the activist teachers established democratic education, altering formal timetables and curricular maps and humanizing the formal learning spaces in school in the aftermath of intensified conflict. Celebrating a popular hero on his birthday in school is a convocation for community members, parents, teachers and students to gather. The contentious relationships between teachers and the village community softened, particularly among men, and classroom learning and street-level mobilization formed part of a continuum of teacher practice.


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