scholarly journals New methodological approaches in forecasting global and regional security issues: international experience

Author(s):  
K.I. Baizakova ◽  
◽  
G.M. Smagulova ◽  
S.B. Stambulov ◽  
◽  
...  
2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-301
Author(s):  
Anush Begoyan

AbstractThe article examines security issues of the Transcaucasian region with the focus on nonmilitary and trans-border security threats and a regional security community that also includes non-state security actors of the region, such as not-recognised autonomous entities, nations, ethnic groups, minorities, etc.This approach to regional security shifts the focus of policies from balance of power to closer regional integration and cooperation, as well as joint provision of regional security. Despite many objectives and existing obstacles to this scenario of regional development, the author sees it to be the only way toward a stable and long-term security in the region. The article argues that closer regional cooperation and integration would allow to accommodate interests and security concerns of non-state actors of the region and would bring the fate of regional issues back in the hands of the regional powers and create bases for sustainable and lasting peace in the region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-23
Author(s):  
K.A. Barannikov ◽  
I.M. Remorenko

The authors make retrospective analyze of "outcome-based education" and “competence-based education” concepts evolution. National educational standards and curricula all around the world have gone through dramatic transformation over the last 20 years. New education models require new methodology for designing educational outcomes. In the paper, based on the analysis of international experience, a framework for designing outcomes is proposed. Authors analyze Canada, UK, Finland, Australia, USA experience. Also terminology of meta-subject and subject outcomes are discusses in the paper. The framework presented by the authors is applicable both for school and teacher curricula, and at the national level, when formulating standards or example currucula.


Subject Canadian and US policy toward deporting foreign criminals. Significance Experts have argued that deporting foreign-born criminals can have a disproportionately negative impact on the recipient country and have a 'boomerang effect' on security by internationalising criminal networks outside of local jurisdiction, but there are minimal political incentives for policymakers to advocate changes to the status quo. Impacts The migration crisis in Europe will drive similar debates, potentially setting the European Court of Justice against national policymakers. Emergency security measures, combined with a recent gang truce, may see violence focused on security forces in El Salvador. Multilateral institutions may help facilitate cooperation on regional security issues.


Subject Swedish and Finnish defence policy. Significance Sweden and Finland have intensified defence cooperation in recent years, most recently by signing a defence pact on July 9. This comes on top of other efforts to promote stronger Nordic defence collaboration with neighbouring Denmark and Norway, the Baltic states, as well as with the United States and NATO around regional security issues. Impacts Russia is likely to use airspace violations to test Swedish and Finnish military readiness. While Sweden and Finland will deepen collaboration with NATO, membership remains off the table for the foreseeable future. Finland supports stronger EU defence initiatives such as PESCO. Sweden has traditionally been sceptical of EU efforts but has adopted a more positive view over the past two years.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey Minasyan

For more than a quarter-century, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been one of the most important factors influencing the political map of the South Caucasus. On 12 May 1994, Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia, and Azerbaijan signed a cease-fire agreement that ended military operations in the conflict zone and has been observed until recently. Negotiations for a peaceful settlement have been underway within the framework of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Minsk Group co-chaired by the USA, Russia, and France since 1992, but society and the elite in Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Azerbaijan remain largely unprepared for compromise. Considering the settlement process a zero-sum game, they have generally accused one another of escalating the conflict and of a lack of willingness to restore peace. Other countries and international organizations involved in the negotiations do not share a vision of the future and frequently pursue their own interests. Accordingly, the Karabakh conflict could remain unresolved for decades more. The aim of the paper is a general assessment of the current stage and dynamic of this conflict and the impact of new trends and old obstacles on the prospects for further settlement.


2015 ◽  
Vol 01 (04) ◽  
pp. 553-572
Author(s):  
Kaisheng Li

The current security architecture in Asia is facing serious challenges including more offensive alliances and less defensive collective security mechanisms, the co-existence of redundancy and deficit of security regimes, and the absence of effective management of Sino-American structural contradictions. Given the diversification and complexity of these security challenges, the priority on the Asian security agenda should be to pursue effective coordination among various security regimes, rather than try to build an integrated architecture. This article argues that a new security framework can be created from three levels of security regimes. On the first level, forums led by smaller Asian countries with participation from China and the U.S. can boost more dialogues and mutual trust. On the second level, regional regimes can deal with regional security issues by harmonizing regional powers with the collective security mechanism. On the third level, Sino-American security regimes can help manage the conflicts between two great powers. Ultimately, the concert of regimes depends on the benign and effective interactions between China and the United States.


Author(s):  
O. G. Paramonov

In the face of deteriorating the regional security environment in East Asia, a noticeable growth of Japan’s defense capabilities and Tokyo’s departure from most self-restraints in the field of security policy look quite expected and natural process. At the same time, Japan continues to rely on the alliance with the United States. On the other hand, relations between Washington and Moscow are now at their lowest point since the Cold War. Japan itself has territorial claims to Russia. This means, based on confrontational logic that returns to the international agenda, that Japan’s traditionally reserved attitude towards Russia should be maintained. However, today we are witnessing a different situation. After the start of regular personal meetings between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, the dialogue is intensified on a wide range of issues, including those related to international security, and especially its regional aspect. Although certain background for that was noted before the Sochi meeting between V. Putin and S. Abe, this foreign policy turn, and, in particular, its speed, came as a surprise not only for Tokyo’s Western partners, but also for many Japanese politicians and experts. This article is devoted to the analysis of its possible causes, as well as the search for an answer to the next question.Is the dialogue between Russia and Japan a situational political maneuver or a step towards cooperation on security issues?


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