scholarly journals Youth Homelessness

Author(s):  
Lori Wilton

Youth homelessness is a complex problem in Canada. While social programs do exist to help homeless youth, there appears to be some confusion as to which program is best suited for helping homeless youth be successful in their lives. This paper examines how social programs help youth leave the streets. The paper analyzes three levels of social programs starting with informal programs, middle-mode programs and formal programs in an attempt to determine the best way to reintegrate homeless youth back into mainstream society. A close examination of social programs suggests that more funding is needed to provide more spaces for youth participation as well as emotional supports to provide stability in their lives. Currently, there are gaps between the social programs. Each program has its own individual rules for operation and does not adequately support transitioning youth. Youth homelessness occurs due to the breakdown of the micro, meso and macro level institutions leaving youth to attempt to take control of their own lives by living homeless.

Author(s):  
Jama Shelton ◽  
Lynden Bond

Many transgender and gender-expansive young people live outside of mainstream society, due to structural barriers that limit access to employment, health care, education, and public accommodations, as well as prejudice and discrimination within their families and communities. These structural barriers can be understood as cisgenderism. Though a growing body of research examines lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youth homelessness, gaps in knowledge about the specific experiences of transgender and gender-expansive homeless youth remain. This phenomenological qualitative investigation explored aspects of transgender and gender-expansive youth's experiences related to homelessness. This article focuses on participants' understanding of their pathways into homelessness.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 86-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Abramovich

Gender non-conforming and sexual minority youth are overrepresented in the homeless youth population and are frequently discriminated against in shelters and youth serving organizations. This paper provides a contextual understanding of the ways that institutional and governmental policies and standards often perpetuate the social exclusion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and 2-Spirit (LGBTQ2S) youth, by further oppression and marginalization. Factors, including institutional erasure, homophobic and transphobic violence, and discrimination that is rarely dealt with, addressed, or even noticed by shelter workers, make it especially difficult for LGBTQ2S youth experiencing homelessness to access support services, resulting in a situation where they feel safer on the streets than in shelters and housing programs. This paper draws on data from a qualitative Critical Action Research study that investigated the experiences of a group of LGBTQ2S homeless youth and the perspectives of staff in shelters through one-on-one interviews in Toronto, Canada. One of the main recommendations of the study included the need for governmental policy to address LGBTQ2S youth homelessness. A case study is shared to illustrate how the Government of Alberta has put this recommendation into practice by prioritizing LGBTQ2S youth homelessness in their provincial plan to end youth homelessness. The case study draws on informal and formal data, including group activities, questions, and surveys that were collected during a symposium on LGBTQ2S youth homelessness. This paper provides an overview of a current political, social justice, and public health concern, and contributes knowledge to an under researched field of study by highlighting concrete ways to prevent, reduce, and end LGBTQ2S youth homelessness.


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 521-539 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayşe Buğra

This article presents a comparative analysis of the social role of two voluntary associations of Turkish businessmen: TUSIAD (The Association of Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen) and MUSIAD (The Association of Independent Industrialists and Businessmen). These associations are approached both as mechanisms of interest representation and as agents of two different class strategies. Hence, the article highlights two types of organizational activities that accompany interest articulation and representation: first, the activities which seek to bind the “bearers of interest” or “members of class” into coherent communities, and second, those aimed at the promotion of particular macro-level social projects.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 786
Author(s):  
Gabriel R D Levrini

Poverty can be an economic circumstance, but it is also a political issue, since it directly influences several political decisions. The academic literature agrees that fundamental human needs have had, in fact, little development in their concept and scope within recent decades, although significantly changed happened in the Western way of accomplishing needs. We seek to understand different perspectives on possible different paths to a humanist articulation in the development of society. The goal of the research is through a humanistic approach based on Max Neef's theoretical precepts to understand the failure of the social program called Porto Alegre for All, in which less than 10% of the target population adopted the program. The research design had a qualitative phase with interviews with six target individuals, aiming to gain insights for the development of attributes and hierarchy of values for the use of the quantitative technique of joint analysis, made with a sample of 98 individuals. In our research the most important result was the attribute freedom, and the maternal pillar of the family is the great reference of these individuals.Keywords: Extreme Poverty. Freedom. Social programs. Fundamentals human needs.ResumoA pobreza pode ser uma circunstância econômica, mas também é uma questão política. A literatura acadêmica concorda que o conceito das necessidades humanas fundamentais teve, de fato, pouco desenvolvimento na sua atualização e escopo nas últimas décadas, embora mudanças significativas tenham ocorrido no modo ocidental de atender às necessidades. Buscamos a compreensão de diferentes perspectivas sobre os possíveis caminhos diferentes para uma articulação humanista no desenvolvimento da sociedade. O objetivo da pesquisa, é através de uma abordagem humanística baseada em preceitos teóricos de Max Neef compreender o fracasso do programa social denominado Porto Alegre para Todos, no qual menos de 10% da população-alvo adotou o programa. O design da pesquisa teve uma fase qualitativa com entrevistas com seis indivíduos target, com o objetivo de obter insights para o desenvolvimento dos atributos ehierarquia de valores para utilização da técnica quantitativa de análise conjunta, feita com uma amostra de 98 indivíduos. Na nossa pesquisa oresultado mais importantefoi o atributo liberdade, sendo que o pilar materno da familia e a grande referência destes individuos.Palavras-chave: Extrema pobreza. Liberdade. Programas sociais. Necessidades fundamentais humanas.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. e006978
Author(s):  
Beatrice R Egid ◽  
María Roura ◽  
Bachera Aktar ◽  
Jessica Amegee Quach ◽  
Ivy Chumo ◽  
...  

IntroductionPower relations permeate research partnerships and compromise the ability of participatory research approaches to bring about transformational and sustainable change. This study aimed to explore how participatory health researchers engaged in co-production research perceive and experience ‘power’, and how it is discussed and addressed within the context of research partnerships.MethodsFive online workshops were carried out with participatory health researchers working in different global contexts. Transcripts of the workshops were analysed thematically against the ‘Social Ecology of Power’ framework and mapped at the micro (individual), meso (interpersonal) or macro (structural) level.ResultsA total of 59 participants, with participatory experience in 24 different countries, attended the workshops. At the micro level, key findings included the rarity of explicit discussions on the meaning and impact of power, the use of reflexivity for examining assumptions and power differentials, and the perceived importance of strengthening co-researcher capacity to shift power. At the meso level, participants emphasised the need to manage co-researcher expectations, create spaces for trusted dialogue, and consider the potential risks faced by empowered community partners. Participants were divided over whether gatekeeper engagement aided the research process or acted to exclude marginalised groups from participating. At the macro level, colonial and ‘traditional’ research legacies were acknowledged to have generated and maintained power inequities within research partnerships.ConclusionsThe ‘Social Ecology of Power’ framework is a useful tool for engaging with power inequities that cut across the social ecology, highlighting how they can operate at the micro, meso and macro level. This study reiterates that power is pervasive, and that while many researchers are intentional about engaging with power, actions and available tools must be used more systematically to identify and address power imbalances in participatory research partnerships, in order to contribute to improved equity and social justice outcomes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-197
Author(s):  
Pedro Ernesto Moreira Gregori

ABSTRACTThe aim is to rethink a decade of public social policies and the social changes generated through a qualitative study focused mainly on the exploitation of secondary data and bibliographic and documentary research. We consider initially the 2002 crisis; the gap between classes appears to be less extensive than during the crisis, but deeper and entrenched over time. That social crack forced the country to rethink and reposition its public policies; especially through the creation of new ministries (Ministry of Social Development), new forms of municipal government (mayors and councilors) and specifically, new social programs and policies that served to stop and reduce the growing poverty, especially extreme poverty (emergency plan, plan of equity, PANES program, food card, citizen income, etc.). Anyway, the discontent of large sections of the middle classes is evident; the high cost of living and tax burdens and problems of citizen security erode governanceRESUMENEl objetivo presentado es repensar una década de políticas sociales públicas y visualizar los cambios sociales generados a través de un estudio cualitativo centrado principalmente en la explotación de datos secundarios y la investigación bibliográfica y documental. Tomamos inicialmente como punto de referencia la crisis de 2002; la brecha entre clases parece ser menos amplia que durante esa crisis, pero a su vez más profunda y enquistada en el tiempo. Ese crack social obligó al país a repensar y reposicionar sus políticas públicas; especialmente a través de la creación de nuevos Ministerios (Ministerio de Desarrollo Social), nuevas formas municipales de gobierno (Alcaldías y Concejalías) y concretamente, nuevos programas y políticas sociales que sirvieron para detener y disminuir la creciente pobreza y especialmente la indigencia (Plan de emergencia, Plan de equidad, Programa PANES, Tarjeta alimentaria, Ingreso Ciudadano, etc.). De todas formas, el descontento de grandes sectores de las clases medias es evidente; el alto coste de vida y de las cargas impositivas y los problemas de seguridad ciudadana erosionan la gestión de gobierno.


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (6) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Héctor M. Cruz-Feliciano

Since the violent events of April 2018, a kind of “normalcy” has returned to everyday life in Nicaragua, but the social and political atmosphere has seen a dramatic change. The government’s social programs have lent some credibility to its claim of reversing the neoliberal policies of its predecessors. However, after more than a decade in power it has become clear that this is not the case. Instead of a socialist transformation, it has pursued a populist model designed to contain and reduce extreme poverty while expanding its political control at the grassroots through clientelist mechanisms. National elections are scheduled to take place in November 2021, and the Ortega-Murillo regime is setting the stage to assure its reelection. Without agreement among the opposition on a single candidate to face off against the regime, Nicaragua is likely facing five more years of Sandinista government. One thing is certain: the April rebellion threw up numerous young leaders who are unaligned with the traditional parties and whose values and aspirations align with those for which Nicaraguans fought in the revolution yet involve a more inclusive, less partisan, and more wide-ranging approach. In time, April 19 is likely to go on record as the door leading to a new era of progressive change. Desde los violentos sucesos de abril de 2018, una especie de “normalidad” ha vuelto a la vida cotidiana en Nicaragua, pero la atmósfera social y política ha experimentado un cambio dramático. Los programas sociales del gobierno han dado cierta credibilidad a su pretensión de revertir las políticas neoliberales de sus predecesores. Sin embargo, después de más de una década en el poder, ha quedado claro que este no es el caso. En lugar de una transformación socialista, ha seguido un modelo populista diseñado para contener y reducir la pobreza extrema al tiempo que amplía su control político en las bases a través de mecanismos clientelistas. Las elecciones nacionales están programadas para noviembre de 2021, y el régimen de Ortega-Murillo está preparando el escenario para asegurar su reelección. Sin un acuerdo entre la oposición sobre un solo candidato para enfrentar al régimen, es probable que Nicaragua enfrente cinco años más de gobierno sandinista. Una cosa es cierta: la rebelión de abril arrojó a numerosos líderes jóvenes que no están alineados con los partidos tradicionales y cuyos valores y aspiraciones se alinean con aquellos por los que lucharon los nicaragüenses en la revolución, pero que involucran un enfoque más inclusivo, menos partidista y más amplio. Con el tiempo, es probable que el 19 de abril quede registrado como la puerta que conduce a una nueva era de cambio progresivo.


Author(s):  
Vashti Trisawati Abhidana ◽  
Novi Dila Kana

Urbanization in Indonesia brings a complex problem in the cities. People from the rural area perceive big city will bring more prosperity than living in their village. However, some young adults who lived in the urban area because of their work, think about to groom and grow their own village to make the community alive and make some changes. Therefore, through the social campaign “Ayo Kembali Ke Desa” created by one of the graphic design new media students (GDNM), is motivating young adults to go back to the village. In this paper is conducting a pretest for campaign logo and promotional materials that has been created, because in social campaign conducting a pre-test test is a mandatory before launching the campaign. To test the logo and advertisement materials, the researchers use the approach of Seven Steps Paul Rand Logo test and Ten Elements of Advertisement Test. Through qualitative research with focus group discussion, the campaign has good prospect gain the interest of the target audience with several adjustments, especially in logo and series of print advertisements; however, for TV commercial the visual needs more emotional approach scenes.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document