scholarly journals CITIZENSHIP AMENDMENT ACT: DIGITAL ACTIVISM ON TWITTER; A CORPUS-BASED TEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF TWEETS ON CAA

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 184-197
Author(s):  
Geetika Vashishata ◽  
Umesh Arya

This article is an attempt to understand how digital activism was used to express dissent towards the CAA 2019 that proposed citizenship based on religious identity. The study analyses the trending tweets on CAA through the corpus method. The data analysis showed that how Twitter is used both by the citizens and political parties to promote their views. The majority of Twitterati expressed its discomfort towards the Act that was passed hurriedly by stressing heavily on its “unconstitutionality” & “non-secularity”. The pertinent questions of secularism, citizenship, immigration were found to be poorly dissipated and hateful hashtag movements ruled the discourse. The whole discourse was found to be extremely rigid over the issue of nationality and citizenship status of Muslims and NRC. The statistically significant scores of tests like collocate, N-grams, word clusters, and concordances too showed similar results with an inclination towards negative sentiments for the Act.

1991 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 493-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Ferguson

This paper is a response to Webber's (1991) critique of Thomas Ferguson's (1983, 1984, 1986) essays on the New Deal and his “investment theory” of political parties. It argues that Webber's evidence is invalid and that his statistical design is conceptually flawed. The sample is defective: it includes many people it should not and it excludes others who should have been reckoned in, notably many Texas oilmen. His procedure for ascertaining corporate partisanship is inadequate, since, among other problems, it excludes large payments made to the 1936 Democratic campaign by firms such as Standard Oil of New Jersey and General Electric. The campaign finance data he relies upon are also far less complete than he implies. An entirely new data analysis is presented, incorporating not only Webber's data, but much new material from archives. The results confirm Ferguson's central thesis about the 1936 election: contributions to the Democrats in 1936 do indeed come from firms that are more internationally-oriented and capital-intensive than those contributing to the Republicans.


EDU-KATA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-148
Author(s):  
Erna Rakhmawati

The background of this research is many indigo events in the community and many indigo literary works. Indigo research in the  “Indigo dalam Novel Supernova Akar Karya Dee Lestari:Tinjauan Psikologi Sastra,” first aims to find the description of the indigo abilities experienced by the characters, secodly to find the causes of indigo experienced by characters, and thirdly to find out the type of indigo experienced by characters in the Supernova Akar. The research includes qualitative descriptive research on data analysis techniques using textual analysis or text analysis. The subject of this study is a character in the Supernova Akar. The result of research that is narated by Dee lestari source are; 1)levitasi, 2) procegnition, 30 psicometri, 4) teleportasi, and 5) clayvoyance. Indigo causes experienced by characters in the Supernova Akar are; 1) a gift from God, 2) from offspring, and from training. The type of indigo experienced by characters in the Supernova Akar are; humanis and artis.


Author(s):  
Nisar Kannangara ◽  
Jesurathnam Devarapalli

Dhoti colors have apparent political meaning in contemporary Kerala. Communists have started wearing red dhoti in private and public life recently, to counter the rampant visibility of saffron dhoti, which signifies Hindu religious identity in a shared meaning that exist in villages across north Kerala, and the same dhoti has also turned as the symbol of right-wing Hindu political parties, the political rival of the Communist party in the state. Earlier, the saffron dhoti was very popular among Hindus in Kerala, without any political differences—liberal Hindus, right-wing political Hindus, secular Hindus, and communist Hindus used to wear the saffron dhoti in public life, and to an extent, the saffron dhoti had become a crucial part of the religious piety of Hindu men and a religious symbol of mobility among Hindus. Through understanding the process of making meaning and other apparatus for political mobilization, this article argues that the ideological differences between right-wing Hindu nationalist organizations and Communist party does not exist at microlevel village politics, where there is a crucial similarity between political parties in mobilizing people and other activities of politics in a social democratic system.


Author(s):  
Siddig Ahmed Ali

The present study aimed to assess the impact of textual analysis on translation competence and attempts to investigate textual analysis as an essential phase in the translation process. Moreover, it claims that any translation competence is reached through three phases: analysis, transfer, and restructuring as Nida has stated. In addition to that, this study extends over the ideas and theoretical frameworks of textual analysis made by many scholars to ease comprehending the text to be translated. The researcher used the analytical descriptive approach  in line with the field of the study. This approach describes the participants’ feedback and data to assess translation competence. Then the researcher prepared a survey  of 8 items as a tool for data collection. It conducted on 30 trainees and students of translation at Gassim University during the second term of the academic year, 2015.  Moreover, the data were collected from various resources including the internet, encyclopaedias, and translation references together with the survey. After the analysis, the study reached some findings. The results of those findings and data analysis showed that textual analysis influences the translation quality and enhance translators’ competence. A 67% of students were confident that the role of textual analysis in reaching translation competence. Based on these findings, the researcher presented some concluding remarks and recommendations. Finally, the study concluded that textual analysis enhances translator’s skills and competence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-35
Author(s):  
Darwis Darwis ◽  
Sasterio Sasterio

This article explains how the means of recruiting political parties in finding candidates for regional head in Sigi Regency. And how role models can influence the way people think in choosing. This study uses a qualitative method, by collecting data in the form of statements, behaviors and events through the use of observation methods, in-depth interviews, focus discussion groups, and searching for complementary materials from document data obtained to be analyzed as a relevant unit of information based on this research study. The results showed that even though the candidates were nominated by political partie the election 2015 in Sigi Regency, the candidates still represented their communities based on their religious identity. Each candidate for regional head who does not meet the qualifications or does not pass the administrative selection at the General Election Commissions of Sigi Regency each has a distinctive feature, namely a religious identity. The people of Sigi Regency seem to be more interested in the figures who will run for themselves than the political parties that carry them.


Author(s):  
Katherine J C Sang ◽  
Rafal Sitko

Whether researchers are using interviews, focus groups, or textual analysis, large amounts of data are produced. It can be daunting to manage and analyse the many thousands of words produced. The purpose of this chapter is to provide suggestions on how to move beyond describing what participants have said, to analysing the data. In this chapter researchers will learn more about the most common approaches to analysing qualitative data, namely, Grounded Theory, thematic and template analysis, discourse analysis and hermeneutics. Situations where each approach may be more suitable are suggested. By the end of the chapter readers should be able to identify which approach is appropriate to their data set. In addition, readers will be able to undertake robust analysis of their qualitative data.


FIKRAH ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Unun Roudlotul Janah ◽  
Shofwatul Aini

<span>The use of headscarves is not only religious identity but also functions as a statement of the value or social status of a person who has two sides, first, ascribed, second, and can be achieved. The focus of this article is to find out how the description of social identity for veiled women in Ponorogo and its consequences. The results of data analysis using symbolic interactionalism theory show some of the first findings, the pattern of life of religiosity (religiosity) of veiled women and veiled Shar' i tends to lead to religious exclusivism. While medium veiled women tend to lead to pluralist religious inclusive typologies. Second, for veiled and veiled Shar' i women, headscarves are social identities whose dimensions are shaped by "the trust" religious norms and values that must be adhered to and carried out in their community. While for medium veiled women, headscarves are social identities based on religious norms without having to deny the truth of religious teachings held by other groups in the context of social relations and community relations.</span><p> </p>


Author(s):  
Joanne Randa Nucho

What causes violent conflicts around the Middle East? All too often, the answer is sectarianism—popularly viewed as a timeless and intractable force that leads religious groups to conflict. This book shows how wrong this perspective can be. Through in-depth research with local governments, NGOs, and political parties in Beirut, the book demonstrates how sectarianism is actually recalibrated on a daily basis through the provision of essential services and infrastructures, such as electricity, medical care, credit, and the planning of bridges and roads. In a working-class, predominantly Armenian suburb in northeast Beirut called Bourj Hammoud, the author conducted extensive interviews and observations in medical clinics, social service centers, shops, banking coops, and municipal offices, and explores how group and individual access to services depends on making claims to membership in the dominant sectarian community. The author examines how sectarianism is not just tied to ethnoreligious identity, but also class, gender, and geography. Life in Bourj Hammoud makes visible a broader pattern in which the relationships that develop while procuring basic needs become a way for people to see themselves as part of the greater public. Illustrating how sectarianism in Lebanon is not simply about religious identity, as is commonly thought, this book offers a new look at how everyday social exchanges define and redefine communities and conflicts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (473) ◽  
pp. 672-691 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathalie Raunet Robert-Nicoud

Abstract In the nationwide debates in the build-up to the Ghana elections of December 2016, the New Patriotic Party, then in the opposition, claimed that 76,000 individuals were registered on both the Togolese and the Ghanaian voters’ registers, casting doubt on the citizenship status of voters who crossed the border from Togo to vote in Ghana. The issues that political parties continually raise about the voters’ register result in recurrent debates about identification documents and belonging. This article poses the underlying questions that many election analyses overlook: who is the electorate? Who decides who belongs to the nation? I argue that the criteria for belonging are neither those that are set in the law, nor those that seem to be suggested by political parties, but those that are decided at a local level where communities are the real gatekeepers of the vote. This article contributes to the literature on elections in Africa by highlighting the porosity of borders in a mobile world, not purely in terms of electoral outcomes, but in terms of broader issues about citizenship and belonging.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 673-696 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Merolla ◽  
Laura B. Stephenson ◽  
Elizabeth J. Zechmeister

Abstract. This paper examines the usefulness of Canadian political party labels as information shortcuts. We supplement survey data analysis with the results of an experiment that tested whether knowing a party's position on an issue influenced opinion expression. We find that, contrary to findings in other countries, among our subject pool, Canadian political parties are not consistently useful as information cues. The Liberal party cue is hardly useful, and while the Conservative party cue can be effective, it appears to push partisans toward a more liberal stance on selected opinions. Only the NDP cue appears to influence opinions in the expected direction. These mixed findings run counter to foundational works on party labels as information shortcuts (mostly focused on US politics) and, instead, are consistent with previous scholarship on Canadian politics.Résumé. Cet article examine l'utilité des étiquettes politiques des partis canadiens comme sources d'information sommaire. Nous analysons des données d'enquête ainsi que les résultats d'un sondage visant à déterminer si le fait de connaître la position d'un parti sur une question donnée influençait l'expression des opinions. Contrairement aux résultats obtenus dans d'autres pays, nous constatons chez les sujets observés que les étiquettes des partis politiques canadiens ne sont pas uniformément utiles comme sources d'information sommaire. L'étiquette du Parti libéral s'avère à peine utile, tandis que l'étiquette du Parti conservateur, peut-être plus efficace, semble inciter les partisans à une position plus libérale. Seule l'étiquette du NPD semble influencer les avis dans la direction prévue. Ces conclusions mixtes contredisent des travaux fondamentaux sur le même sujet (portant pour la plupart sur la politique aux États-Unis) et confirment plutôt les études antérieures sur la politique canadienne.


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