Migration as a Response to Internal Colonialism in Brazil

Transfers ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terry-Ann Jones

The concept of internal colonialism h as been used to frame studies of marginalized populations exploited by the dominant or majority population. Brazil’s regional inequalities have gained notoriety, as wealth tends to be concentrated in the southern regions, while poverty is most rampant in the north and northeast. Inequality in Brazil is connected to geographic region and related to complex factors such as race, ethnicity, color, kinship, and class, and is deeply rooted in Brazil’s colonial history. Using data from in-depth, qualitative interviews with seasonal sugarcane workers, this article argues that the inequality that motivates their migration pattern is rooted in internal colonialism. These temporary labor migrants travel from northern and northeastern states to the cane fields of São Paulo, where labor demands are high and they face many of the challenges that international labor migrants encounter, including discrimination, poor wages, and inhumane working conditions.

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 148-148
Author(s):  
Haley Gallo ◽  
Lindsay Kobayashi ◽  
Jessica Finlay

Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic was met with conflicting government strategies in the handling of the virus. Older adults were disproportionately impacted by the pandemic, yet little is known about their perspectives of the government response. Using data collected in September and October, 2020 from the online, nation-wide COVID-19 Coping Study, we conducted qualitative thematic analysis on a subsample of respondents (N=500) proportionate to the age, gender, race/ethnicity, and education of the U.S. population age 55+. Two researchers individually coded a random subsample of 50 open-ended responses to the question “How do you feel about federal government responses to and handling of the COVID-19 pandemic?” Using NVivo qualitative software, the researchers compared codes and reconciled differences to achieve a Kappa score of >0.8. The first author coded the remaining responses using the established coding strategy. Analyses identified themes related to President Trump’s leadership, Congress, the broader federal government, and science. Some participants indicated that the federal government’s response to the pandemic was “inadequate,” “too political,” and “lacking coordination.” Others expressed that the president “did the best he could” or that “it’s not the federal government’s responsibility.” While some praised vaccine development efforts and expressed their appreciation for Dr. Fauci, others expressed scientific distrust. Participants’ perspectives were divergent, reflective of the country’s polarization surrounding COVID-19 policies and practices. Differences in perspectives exist by race/ethnicity, gender, geographic region, and age. Study results can help identify groups of older adults who may need targeted programs and policy support.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melanie M. Holland ◽  
Ariane Prohaska

Previous empirical research has indicated that women receive less punitive sentencing outcomes, compared to their male counterparts, while controlling for legally relevant case characteristics. This advantage persists at the federal level, despite the implementation of sentencing guidelines. However, drawing from the “intersectionalities” literature, it does not appear as though all women are equal beneficiaries of this courtroom leniency. Specifically, women of color are less inclined to receive sentencing benefits in response to the differential stereotyping of this demographic. Furthermore, due to differing sociohistorical contexts and gender ideologies, the influence of gender on sentencing outcomes will likely vary across place. This study contributes to the existing sentencing literature by examining whether, and to what extent, gender leniency is moderated by race/ethnicity and geographic region. Using data from the 2015 Monitoring of Federal Criminal Sentences, this study finds that women receive shorter sentence lengths than men. However, contrary to expectation, women of color receive shorter sentences than White women. Additionally, women who are adjudicated in the southern and border districts receive significantly longer sentences. These findings demonstrate the importance of contextualizing and disaggregating female criminal justice outcomes as well as the need to limit research and discourse that imply a singular shared experience among all women.


Author(s):  
Ewin Karman Nduru ◽  
Efori Buulolo ◽  
Pristiwanto Pristiwanto

Universities or institutions that operate in North Sumatra are very many, therefore, of course, competition in accepting new students is very tight, universities or institutions do certain ways or steps to be able to compete with other campuses in gaining interest from community or high school students who will continue their studies to a higher level. STMIK BUDI DARMA Medan (College of Information and Computer Management), is the first computer high school in Medan which was established on March 1, 1996 and received approval from the government through the Minister of Education and Culture, on July 23, 1996 with operating license number 48 / D / O / 1996, in promoting the campus, the team usually formed a promotion team to various regions in the North Sumatra Region to provide information to the community. Students who have learned in this campus are quite a lot who come from various regions in North Sumatra, from this point the need to process data from students who are active in college to be processed using data mining to achieve a target, one method that can be used in data mining, namely the ¬K-Modes clustering (grouping) algorithm. This method is a grouping of student data that will be a help to campus students in promoting, using the K-Modes algorithm is expected to help and become a reference for marketing in determining the marketing strategy STMIK Budi Darma MedanKeywords: STMIK Budi Darma, Marketing Strategy, K-Modes Algorithm.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsey Haynes-Maslow ◽  
Stephanie B. Jilcott Pitts ◽  
Kathryn A. Boys ◽  
Jared T. McGuirt ◽  
Sheila Fleischhacker ◽  
...  

Abstract Background The North Carolina Healthy Food Small Retailer Program (NC HFSRP) was established through a policy passed by the state legislature to provide funding for small food retailers located in food deserts with the goal of increasing access to and sales of healthy foods and beverages among local residents. The purpose of this study was to qualitatively examine perceptions of the NC HFSRP among store customers. Methods Qualitative interviews were conducted with 29 customers from five NC HFSRP stores in food deserts across eastern NC. Interview questions were related to shoppers’ food and beverage purchases at NC HFSRP stores, whether they had noticed any in-store efforts to promote healthier foods and beverages, their suggestions for promoting healthier foods and beverages, their familiarity with and support of the NC HFSRP, and how their shopping and consumption habits had changed since implementation of the NC HFSRP. A codebook was developed based on deductive (from the interview guide questions) and inductive (emerged from the data) codes and operational definitions. Verbatim transcripts were double-coded and a thematic analysis was conducted based on code frequency, and depth of participant responses for each code. Results Although very few participants were aware of the NC HFSRP legislation, they recognized changes within the store. Customers noted that the provision of healthier foods and beverages in the store had encouraged them to make healthier purchase and consumption choices. When a description of the NC HFSRP was provided to them, all participants were supportive of the state-funded program. Participants discussed program benefits including improving food access in low-income and/or rural areas and making healthy choices easier for youth and for those most at risk of diet-related chronic diseases. Conclusions Findings can inform future healthy corner store initiatives in terms of framing a rationale for funding or policies by focusing on increased food access among vulnerable populations.


Author(s):  
Jay J. Xu ◽  
Jarvis T. Chen ◽  
Thomas R. Belin ◽  
Ronald S. Brookmeyer ◽  
Marc A. Suchard ◽  
...  

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) epidemic in the United States has disproportionately impacted communities of color across the country. Focusing on COVID-19-attributable mortality, we expand upon a national comparative analysis of years of potential life lost (YPLL) attributable to COVID-19 by race/ethnicity (Bassett et al., 2020), estimating percentages of total YPLL for non-Hispanic Whites, non-Hispanic Blacks, Hispanics, non-Hispanic Asians, and non-Hispanic American Indian or Alaska Natives, contrasting them with their respective percent population shares, as well as age-adjusted YPLL rate ratios—anchoring comparisons to non-Hispanic Whites—in each of 45 states and the District of Columbia using data from the National Center for Health Statistics as of 30 December 2020. Using a novel Monte Carlo simulation procedure to perform estimation, our results reveal substantial racial/ethnic disparities in COVID-19-attributable YPLL across states, with a prevailing pattern of non-Hispanic Blacks and Hispanics experiencing disproportionately high and non-Hispanic Whites experiencing disproportionately low COVID-19-attributable YPLL. Furthermore, estimated disparities are generally more pronounced when measuring mortality in terms of YPLL compared to death counts, reflecting the greater intensity of the disparities at younger ages. We also find substantial state-to-state variability in the magnitudes of the estimated racial/ethnic disparities, suggesting that they are driven in large part by social determinants of health whose degree of association with race/ethnicity varies by state.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura L. Martin ◽  
Kelly D. Zering

AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between industrialized production in the pork and broiler industries and the natural environment. Historical perspectives are presented regarding the movement toward increasingly concentrated and coordinated pork and broiler production units in the South. The relationships between animal by-product management and environmental quality, both at the farm level and within a geographic region, are addressed. Using the North Carolina pork industry as a background, current regulations and potential policy implications to protect environmental quality are discussed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen Hicken

AbstractThis article investigates the emergence of new partisan identities in Thailand. Using data from Thailand's last several elections I trace the emergence of partisanship over the last 15 years, particularly in the north and northeast. The change in the nature of partisanship has helped turn long-simmering tensions into an increasingly intractable political conflict. This mass partisan alignment has upset the equilibrium of Thai politics, transforming what was once an inefficient but modest-stakes game of political horse-trading into a zero sum game with extremely high stakes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 102452942110113
Author(s):  
Luke Telford

Based on 52 qualitative interviews with working-class individuals, this paper explores the social and economic decline of a coastal locale referred to as High Town in Teesside in the North East of England. First, the paper outlines how the locality expanded as a popular seaside resort under capitalism’s post-war period. It then assesses how the seaside existed together with industrial work, offering stable employment opportunities, economic security and a sense of community. Next, the article documents the shift to neoliberalism in the 1980s, specifically the decline of High Town’s seaside resort, the deindustrialization process and therefore the 2015 closure of High Town’s steelworks. It explicates how this exacerbated the locale’s economic decline through the loss of industrial work’s ‘job for life’, its diminishing popularity as a coastal area and the further deterioration of the town centre. The paper concludes by suggesting that High Town has lost its raison d’être under neoliberalism and faces difficulties in revival.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-427
Author(s):  
Mario Dani

Three distinctive dynamics may be identified in the post-war developmentsof territorial and minority rights polities in Italy. The first focuses on  recession attempts in peripheral areas in the aftermath of the world war, and on their interplay with the regional reform. The second peaks in the late '60s-early '70s, and relates territorial minorities' demands for recognition to broader protest movements and 'internal colonialism 'perspectives. The third consists of the recent success of regional Leagues in the North, and largely reverses previous approaches to territorial issues. Autonomy is still emphasized here, yet disconnected from, and often in explicit opposition to, social equality ideas. 'Minority rights' are largely replaced with a peculiar version of territorial populist politics.


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