scholarly journals Violence in Mexico: the politicides in Puebla from 2010-2020

Author(s):  
Juan Calvillo Barrios

This paper argues that the decision making of the political class is one of the main causes of violence and poverty, by presenting statistics that show the evolution of violence in the state of Puebla, Mexico, evidencing manifestations of violence: kidnappings, extortions and murders in the political class. The method used in the process is of a mixed type, used to collect and present statistical data and, through inferential analysis, project their future behavior, thus seeking a change in their behavior, which gives it a normative character. Among the main results, there is evidence of a rise in politicides in Puebla, normalizing violence within the population, this leads to identify a dystopia, following Lorenzo Meyer "the negative aspects of the exercise of power dominate to an extreme degree "(Meyer, 2017, p. 13). There remains for discussion the need to reinterpret the scope of violence, which, although it may reflect a sense of defense, the evidence shows the opposite. In this way, a reflection is drawn on the risks of such violence and the possibilities of turning the state apparatus into a failed one.

2021 ◽  
pp. 193-246
Author(s):  
Jennifer Walker

This chapter takes for its focus the high point of the Parisian musical season in 1900: the ten state-sponsored concerts officiels of the 1900 Exposition Universelle de Paris. As had been the case in 1878 and 1889, the goal of these concerts was to promote specifically Republican ideals through music. Yet in 1900, these ideals had transformed into a secular construction of Frenchness that absorbed Catholicism as a foundational trait of national identity. Although the Church was not represented in any official capacity either on the musical planning commission or on the concert programs themselves, the repertoire performed throughout these concerts created a narrative that centered around a sense of reconciliation between Church State. The carefully crafted vision put forth by the State relied heavily on transformations of the Church for the formation of a cohesive Republican identity such that the Church was present in its displays, theaters, and concerts in a way not seen in any previous Exposition. In the heart of Paris, the Trocadéro hosted a significant amount of explicitly religious music that, when mediated through actors deployed through the state apparatus on an international stage, transformed the Church into an integrated facet of French Republicanism that could be proudly displayed to the Exposition’s international audiences. These concerts functioned not as nostalgic emblems of a Revolutionary past nor as attacks against the political and religious right, but, rather, as a site of transformation at which the Republic co-opted Catholicism as an indispensable aspect of its own French identity.


1994 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-245
Author(s):  
Okechukwu C. Iheduru

Oneof the intriguing paradoxes of Côte d'Ivoire is that while the political class has become famous for its ‘open-door’ capitalism, the Government headed by Félix Houphouët-Boigny consistently heightened its rhetoric of ‘Ivoirianisation’ through which it purported to indigenise the economy. The fact is that capitalism controlled by foreigners has generally gained the upper hand with state connivance or approval. Where local capitalism exists, it is often spearheaded by the state as participant and competitor, rather than as a facilitator of indigenous enterprise. Shipping offers a good example of this dual approach, where the state became the vanguard of a vigorous national and regional drive for maritime independence, but at the same time pursued its self-declared ‘open-door’ strategy which ensured continued domination of the sector by foreigners.


Author(s):  
Seema Sharma ◽  
Deepa Mann

The present article aims to underscore the role of state in developing the context within which corporate social responsibility (CSR) has emerged in India. The paper traces the trajectory of the Indian economy through the five year plans which were considered to be its backbone and which have now been jettisoned. In addition, it takes a critical look at the public rhetoric of the political class to justify CSR in India. The analysis shows that Indian state since Independence has been dominated by the bourgeoisie class and hence even while focusing on planned development, it continued to create pockets of want in the social sector which have eventually been used to provide justification for the mandated CSR in India. The state had neglected the social sector throughout the plan periods. With the onset of privatization, liberalization, and globalization under the structural adjustment in India, the involvement of state in social sector was likely to reduce further. The state therefore pushed for mandatory CSR to fill the likely gap and the political class of the country provided necessary rhetorical justification for the same.


2019 ◽  
pp. 251-260
Author(s):  
Jerome Roos

This chapter considers the factors behind Greece's compliance in the first years of the crisis. It shows that in the first two years of the crisis, the “establishment triangle” revolving around the political class, private bankers, and the financial technocrats at the Bank of Greece, far from being weakened by the government's precarious fiscal position or the financial fragility of the Greek banks, actually managed to solidify its stronghold on financial policymaking through its capacity to fulfill a bridging role to foreign lenders and keep providing their fiscally distressed national government with much-needed short-term credit lines. The third enforcement mechanism, in short, was relatively effective. But while this helped internalize debtor discipline into the Greek state apparatus, it did not succeed in returning the country to solvency.


2001 ◽  
Vol 31 (124) ◽  
pp. 447-468
Author(s):  
Heide Gerstenberger

It was only when domination was no longer seen as legitimising private appropriation that “corruption” and “political scandal” became topics of political debate. The constitution of the modern (bourgeois) state separated the competition for power from the competition for profit or for means of living. Only then became the concept of “public service” a structural element of the political system. Today we observe new forms of clientelism, i.e. the furthering of one’s interests through personal connections, a new culture of privileges for the political class and systemic corruption in many branches of the state apparatus. These developments have been furthered by the dynamics of modern mass parties, especially their alimentation through the state, by dense administrative regulation and by the transformation of the political culture in post-bourgeois nation-states.


Res Publica ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-117
Author(s):  
Zygmunt Rybicki

1. In the circumstances of the overgrowth signs the scientific-technical revolution the following events in essential way are influencing the activities of public administration : 1° the establishing, under thepressure of the technical progress and specialization, of the big economic units ; 2° the acceleration of the processus of urbanization ; 3° the increasing threat of the biological environment and the appearance of newpossibilities for its protection; and 4° the leveling of differences between the living standards of the population in town and in countryside. In that situation the socialist state has first of all to develop its organizationalfunctions.2. The organizational functions of the socialist state are implemenied above all by the supreme and local representative organs of the state authority and by the subordinated to them organs of the state administration. In the result of this organizational activity the scope of civic rights is extending. The state apparatus therefore is responsible for calling into being and for activities of the public institutions and facilities being used by the citizens at their choice. The regulating role (dirigism) of the state has hence respect more to these public institutions and facilities, and it is addressed more seldom directly to the citizens. That takes place especially in the sphere of the administration of national economy, the organization of technical public services as well as the services rendering administration.3. The social and economic assumptions of the socialist system are putting into effect by the organizational activities of the state apparatus.  One of the fundamental features of this system is to gain the conscioussupport of the overwhelming majority of the society for actions of the socialist state and to consolidate this support. Such support is possible to reach only by the development of the democratic principles of thestate activities. The democratic institutions are established by the law, and the law is one of instruments of the realization of the political tasks of the socialist society being organized into the state. The state apparatus' function is to embody in action the tasks established by the law. And this therefore makes the role of the state apparatus very important as welt as provides to the necessity of permanent improvement of this apparatus.4. The social and economic plans create the substantial basis for the state administration activities. In the both national and local plans, voted by representative organs of the state authority, there are determined theeconomic and social tasks as welt as the aims concerning in advancement of the living standards of the population. In the state enterprises plans are voted by the organs of the workers' self-government. The principles of socialist democracy and democratic centralism are reflected in the procedure of planning.5. The processus of the administration in the contemporary state becomes more and more complicated. This processus demands an improvement of th social nature, but not of the technocratic one. And that improvement, realized in conformity with the social necessities, is safeguarded by the fact that the state machinery in the socialist country is inspired and vivified by the political leadership of the working class' party.


2002 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
MATTEI DOGAN

An important proportion of citizens do not manifest confidence in many basic institutions (parliaments, parties, unions, army, public bureaucracies, big business, courts, ecclesiastic hierarchy, police) nor in the political class. Such a deficit of trust is attested by a wealth of empirical data. Nonetheless, the legitimacy of democratic regimes is not challenged: European citizens do not conceive realistically of an alternative system of government. A new counter-power is playing an increasing and crucial role in advanced pluralist democracies – that of magistrates and journalists combined. France and Italy are considered as typical cases, concerning in particular corruption at the highest level of the State and society. What types of citizens are needed in advanced democracies? Ignorant, naive, deferential, credulous, believers in myths or well informed, rationally distrustful citizens? Today, democracy is permanently under the supervision of the public, as attested by surveys conducted periodically.


1985 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Guy Peters

The most basic question about the structure and organization of government is Why we should be concerned about this question at all?' Many of us trained in political science programs during the behavioral revolution were taught to believe that the structures of government were insignificant as a focus for research. The structures ofgovernment became encapsulated in an opaque black box; that part of the political system where decisions were made. Fortunately, this view no longer prevails and there is increasing interest in structural questions, in part generated by the increasing interest in the state as a focus for political inquiry (Dyson, 1980; Benjamin and Elkin, 1985). Much of the work on the state as yet, however, leaves that concept largely undifferentiated and has not dealt systematically with the structure of the state apparatus. Thus, concern for the development of state theory, as well as the concerns of those interested in public policy, has returned structural questions to a more central position in political science.


Think India ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 01-09
Author(s):  
Seema Sharma ◽  
Deepa Mann

The present article aims to underscore the role of state in developing the context within which corporate social responsibility (CSR) has emerged in India. The paper traces the trajectory of the Indian economy through the five year plans which were considered to be its backbone and which have now been jettisoned. In addition, it takes a critical look at the public rhetoric of the political class to justify CSR in India. The analysis shows that Indian state since Independence has been dominated by the bourgeoisie class and hence even while focusing on planned development, it continued to create pockets of want in the social sector which have eventually been used to provide justification for the mandated CSR in India. The state had neglected the social sector throughout the plan periods. With the onset of privatization, liberalization, and globalization under the structural adjustment in India, the involvement of state in social sector was likely to reduce further. The state therefore pushed for mandatory CSR to fill the likely gap and the political class of the country provided necessary rhetorical justification for the same.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 553-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt Huber

What makes resources political? We often imagine that politics is something done to resources (i.e. larger contestations over access to and control over resources). In this second “progress report”, I question whether resource politics is simply about fighting over stuff. How does the materiality of resources themselves shape broader conceptions of “the political” in general? I highlight the role of resources in shaping three central meanings of the political or politics. First, the commonsense ideology of politics as electoral contests over political power. Second, the state – as the sphere of “the political” – is constructed as a geographical entity based on a specific form of territoriality. Third, the nation-state reflects a complex political duality: both an institutional state apparatus and a cultural imaginary of shared nationhood. I conclude with some thoughts on the need to expand the terrain of the political in resource geography.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document