scholarly journals Crisis Communication on One Belt and One Road Initiative of China: A Geo-Political Change

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Irshad Ahmed Kaleemi ◽  

In the ancient past, much of East Asia and China was connected to different trading regions of the world through Silk Road. It got its name on the main export item of the then China: Silk. Now China has taken the initiative to rebuild the Silk Road through its OBOR initiative. OBOR has two components in the shape of two projects: over land SREB and a 21st century MSR. Later, merging these two projects under one canopy, OBOR has been termed as BRI of China. This study attempts to answer the research question: One Belt One Road Initiative (OBOR) of China as the primer to a new geo-strategic hegemony for building the competitive Chinese world order would stabilize? A content analysis was performed on pivotal media coverage about OBOR. Since the ever first speech of the President of China, Mr. Xi Jinping in 2013, a media debate is there, on this Chinese initiative. OBOR is an effort to increase the regional connectivity to embrace a China oriented future. For them, this brighter future in the shape of an economic move for Chinese domination in the global affairs, while being the centre of global trade network. China would be celebrating its hundredth anniversary in 2049 and this is exactly the target date of completing the OBOR. A keyword analysis yielded through the speeches of Chinese President Mr. Xi Jinping on the global media networks alongwith the messages conveying Chinese aspirations of its coming out as the global economic lynch pin by the new Chinese geo-strategic hegemony under the canopy of connectivity and cooperation is the pivot of these well telecasted speeches. Keywords: Geo-strategy, Chinese geo-strategic hegemony, competitive Chinese world order, foreign policy, economic pivot, maritime, overland, port projects, infrastructure, connectivity, people to people contact.

2021 ◽  
pp. 175048132110020
Author(s):  
Liping Tang

This article explores the putative addressee in the persuasion of diplomatic discourse by adopting White’s recent proposals as to putative reader/addressee positioning to specifically examine China’s communication efforts through South African English-language newspapers in the Xi Jinping era. Likemindedness is found to be predominantly construed, meticulously balanced with relative frequent construal of uncommittedness and very rare construal of un-likemindedness. And a set of 12 interrelated discourses are identified as fundamental ideological tenets in legitimating China’s African engagement and its vision of world order. Findings show that the classical political discursive strategy of Us/Them polarization is typically deployed. The analysis and discussion illustrates how White’s proposed framework can be systematically applied to offer new lines of analysis of persuasion and shed some light on understanding contemporary Chinese diplomatic discourse.


2018 ◽  
Vol 81 (6-8) ◽  
pp. 748-767
Author(s):  
Catalina Iordache ◽  
Leo Van Audenhove ◽  
Jan Loisen

Recent developments in the online distribution and consumption of audio-visual content have brought relevant changes to the transnational flow of content. Thus, the need for a theoretical and methodological rejuvenation of flows research has been signalled. The aim of the present study is to analyse the different flow studies throughout time, following a series of parameters such as research question, methodology and scale of study. This article is a systematic literature review of 30 flow studies on film and television programmes, published between 1974 and 2014. The methods used by the studies are brought into focus and discussed thoroughly, in light of the method of data collection, the type of data used and the method of data analysis. Main findings show an evolution towards more detailed research, to include more contextual factors, an increased use of secondary data, as well as more focused regional and comparative studies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhaohui Su ◽  
Dean McDonnell ◽  
Jun Wen ◽  
Metin Kozak ◽  
Jaffar Abbas ◽  
...  

AbstractDuring global pandemics, such as coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), crisis communication is indispensable in dispelling fears, uncertainty, and unifying individuals worldwide in a collective fight against health threats. Inadequate crisis communication can bring dire personal and economic consequences. Mounting research shows that seemingly endless newsfeeds related to COVID-19 infection and death rates could considerably increase the risk of mental health problems. Unfortunately, media reports that include infodemics regarding the influence of COVID-19 on mental health may be a source of the adverse psychological effects on individuals. Owing partially to insufficient crisis communication practices, media and news organizations across the globe have played minimal roles in battling COVID-19 infodemics. Common refrains include raging QAnon conspiracies, a false and misleading “Chinese virus” narrative, and the use of disinfectants to “cure” COVID-19. With the potential to deteriorate mental health, infodemics fueled by a kaleidoscopic range of misinformation can be dangerous. Unfortunately, there is a shortage of research on how to improve crisis communication across media and news organization channels. This paper identifies ways that legacy media reports on COVID-19 and how social media-based infodemics can result in mental health concerns. This paper discusses possible crisis communication solutions that media and news organizations can adopt to mitigate the negative influences of COVID-19 related news on mental health. Emphasizing the need for global media entities to forge a fact-based, person-centered, and collaborative response to COVID-19 reporting, this paper encourages media resources to focus on the core issue of how to slow or stop COVID-19 transmission effectively.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-224
Author(s):  
Cheol Kang ◽  
Ilhak Lee

AbstractThis article examines the development of the Republic of Korea’s strategy to prevent the spread of COVID-19 with particular focus on ethical issues and the problem of politicization of public communication. Using prominent examples of stakeholders who have acted and expressed themselves in highly contradictory ways on the topic of the pandemic, we provide an analysis of how the public health policy discourse has entered into the realm of politicization and elaborate on the danger that this phenomenon poses in terms of rational debate and appropriate policy measures geared toward the public’s safety. Considering the role that the Republic of Korea have had in global media coverage of quarantine policies and epidemic prevention, we believe that our study makes a significant contribution to the literature because it provides a new perspective and insights into the forces at work within and around a prevention strategy that has both been lauded and seen as highly controversial.


2017 ◽  
Vol 233 ◽  
pp. 111-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle Jaros ◽  
Jennifer Pan

AbstractXi Jinping's rise to power in late 2012 brought immediate political realignments in China, but the extent of these shifts has remained unclear. In this paper, we evaluate whether the perceived changes associated with Xi Jinping's ascent – increased personalization of power, centralization of authority, Party dominance and anti-Western sentiment – were reflected in the content of provincial-level official media. As past research makes clear, media in China have strong signalling functions, and media coverage patterns can reveal which actors are up and down in politics. Applying innovations in automated text analysis to nearly two million newspaper articles published between 2011 and 2014, we identify and tabulate the individuals and organizations appearing in official media coverage in order to help characterize political shifts in the early years of Xi Jinping's leadership. We find substantively mixed and regionally varied trends in the media coverage of political actors, qualifying the prevailing picture of China's “new normal.” Provincial media coverage reflects increases in the personalization and centralization of political authority, but we find a drop in the media profile of Party organizations and see uneven declines in the media profile of foreign actors. More generally, we highlight marked variation across provinces in coverage trends.


Comunicar ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (32) ◽  
pp. 65-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Moeller

Freedom of expression is both a life and death matter and a bread and butter issue. Free media that allow a diversity of voices to be heard and all ideas to be discussed play a central role in the sustaining and monitoring of good government, as well as in the fostering of economic development and the encouraging of corporate transparency and accountability. Students in both developed and developing nations need to understand that there is no global issue or political arena in which the statement of problems and the framing of possible solutions are not influenced by media coverage. The Salzburg Academy on Media and Global Change is the meeting point where universities from around the world, media organizations and international institutions such as the UN and UNESCO have worked jointly for the first time in order to build a global media literacy curriculum, related lesson plans, exercises and resources to teach students to evaluate the media they read, hear and see, as well as teach them to speak out for themselves. The GML materials are written by a global commu nity for a global community and aim to prepare students the world over for active and inclusive roles in information societies. La libertad de expresión es cuestión de vida o muerte. Los medios de comunicación independientes cumplen un rol central en el mantenimiento de un gobierno adecuado, así como en el fomento del desarrollo económico y en el apoyo a la transparencia corporativa y la rendición de cuentas. Por otro lado, los estudiantes de todo el mundo necesitan comprender la influencia de los medios para formular sus problemas y sus posibles soluciones. La Academia Salzburgo de los Medios de Comunicación y los Cambios Mundiales ha sido punto de encuentro para que Universidades de todo el mundo, organizaciones mediáticas e instituciones internacionales (como la ONU y la UNESCO) hayan colaborado en construir un programa curricular para la alfabetización mediática mundial, con ejercicios y recursos para enseñar a ver y escuchar los medios, actuar ante los medios, a través de los medios, e incluso creando sus propios medios de comunicación social. Los materiales son elaborados por y para una comunidad mundial, con el fin de preparar a estudiantes en todo el mundo a cumplir roles activos e incluyentes en la sociedad de la información.


Author(s):  
A. Adelgareeva ◽  
I. Okunev

The article centers on the political aspects of international news making, i.e. the coverage of major political news by global media. Nowadays we are witnessing rising interest towards the modus operandi of global media, its newly-acquired functions and its role as a world politics actor. In this study new empirical data is used to assess the role global media plays in the representation of major civil conflicts and to revisit the commonly-accepted understanding of its political functions. With the help of discourse analysis, the authors investigate the realities of the civil wars in Libya and Syria through the lens of their representations in international news, the aim being to unveil the influence of the existing social frames on the pertinent media content.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 6-33
Author(s):  
R. Neuwirth

In the global arena, the cooperation between the BRICS countries – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – covers around 42% of the world’s population and some of the world’s most dynamic emerging economies. Initially, the BRICS cooperation was suggested as an idea, and it was later welcomed as a new addition to the global governance debate about the future. The BRICS countries have already held ten consecutive summits of heads of state plus a large number of meetings at the ministerial level. The cooperation describes itself as a “cooperation and dialogue” platform, but it has nonetheless signed a number of binding treaties and, notably, established the New Development Bank (NDB) as a permanent institution headquartered in Shanghai (China).The cooperation has also met with resistance, criticism and problems caused by the overall complexity of global affairs in a rapidly changing world. The diversity and remote locations of the BRICS countries have also been thought of as an obstacle to their successful cooperation and their ability to play an active part in global governance in the twentyfirst century. The main challenge thus lies in their ability to overcome their differences and to make a difference in designing the future global political and economic world order. Against the backdrop of the global governance debate, the present paper therefore asks whether the BRICS cooperation constitutes a novel model of regionalism with multilateral aspirations, and what role law and, notably, the “rule of law” can play in this important task. The paper includes a discussion of the extent to which the BRICS cooperation needs to be upgraded in legal and institutional terms, and possibly to proceed from cooperation via consolidation to the codification of its most important sources of global law.


Author(s):  
Jamie Matthews

Shared narratives emerge across transnational news, circulating meaning and contributing to how publics process and make sense of significant issues and events (Cottle, 2014; Pantti, Wahl-Jorgensen, Cottle, 2012). These narratives are also reflected in the spaces made possible by digital communication technologies, including social media, and the through the formation of transnational discursive communities. Disasters, or at least those that meet the criteria of proximity for Western media (Benthall, 1993; Gans, 1980), are exemplars of such global media events, where analogous narratives or frames are rendered in media coverage across national borders. The evidence from studies of national media, however, suggests that journalistic narratives to disaster tend to reinforce a discourse of difference between spectators and sufferers through the representations of those communities and societies affected by disaster (Bankoff, 2011; Joye, 2009). This chapter considers how difference is reinforced in transnational news narratives of disaster through the circulation of cultural stereotypes, arguing that the prominence of stereotypes are a consequence of the processes of domestication that shape the characteristics of news and the dominant news flows in the global media system. More specifically, that to enable accounts to resonate with audiences, news is often packaged and adapted to a national context (Gurevitch, Levy and Roeh, 1992), which can be achieved by using familiar images of different societies and cultures to provide a link for audiences when covering distant events (Tanikawa, 2017). At the same time, as news and information becomes increasingly deterritorialised the overlaying of cultural frames to inform and explain a disaster in one national context may evolve across media coverage in others, contributing to the development of shared narratives to a single event. This is facilitated, for example, by the flow of information from news agencies and international news organisations, in particular those emanating from the core (the West) to the periphery (Wu, 2003). To elucidate these mediation processes across borders, the chapter will draw on one recent case study of disaster journalism to consider how essentialist notions of Japanese culture emerged as a unified narrative across international news coverage of the tripartite disaster of March 2011, reflecting its position as a dominant Western discourse on Japan.


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