scholarly journals Gendered Segregation in Danish Standing Parliamentary Committees 1990-2015

Author(s):  
Christina Fiig

Denmark was among the first countries to achieve female enfranchisement to the national parliament (1915) and it is a society with a long tradition for gender equality policies and women’s rights. 100 years later, the Danish case gives grounds for reflections on gender balance, on segregation and positions occupied by women in national parliaments. Drawing on insights from literature on gender and politics and on parliamentary committees, the article asks what the gendered distribution of seats and chairs is in the Danish parliament, the Folketing, and what can explain these gendered patterns. To answer these questions, this article investigates the horizontal and vertical gendered segregation of standing parliamentary committees of the Danish parliament 1990-2015 based on an explorative, longitudinal study. The results show that the Danish parliament is characterized by both vertical and horizontal segregation in relation to parliamentary committees. Both categories of segregation are declining over time, but the analysis reveals interesting patterns of change and stability especially for the horizontal segregation. Several committees have an over-representation (social, education and research and health) and under-representation of women (defence, finance and transport). A number of committees are characterized by a share of 30-40% women. This category is especially interesting as it points towards a decline in horizontal representation.

Author(s):  
Meryl Kenny ◽  
Fiona Mackay

What progress has been made for women’s representation and gender equality in post-devolution Scotland? Scottish devolution opened up new institutional, political, and discursive spaces for actors to gender mainstream debates and shape broader processes of institutional and constitutional restructuring. Yet, whilst in many respects Scotland has been a successful case of feminist constitutional activism, there have also been setbacks, reversals, and stagnation in both the descriptive and substantive representation of women. This chapter explores these dynamics through several key dimensions of representation and power over time, focusing on opportunities for change, but also highlighting underlying continuities and resistances. We conclude by reflecting on the uneven progress made for women as political actors and for gender as an issue in post-devolution Scottish politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 448-455
Author(s):  
Margaret S. Stockdale ◽  
Alice H. Eagly

Gardner, Ryan, and Snoeyink (2018) provided an excellent and much-needed analysis of the status of women in industrial and organizational (I-O) psychology. Although others have produced overall assessments of the status of women in psychology (Eagly & Riger, 2014; Kite et al., 2001), these are not sufficient to identify conditions within the subfields of psychology. As shown by statistics on the divisions of the American Psychological Association (http://www.apa.org/about/division/officers/services/profiles.aspx), the subfields differ greatly in their gender balance, with some being male dominated (e.g., experimental and cognitive science), others female dominated (e.g., developmental psychology), and still others representing women and men more equally (e.g., social and personality psychology). I-O psychology is among the more gender-balanced fields, with an increasing proportion of women over time. It would seem that I-O's gradual inclusion of more women should have changed aspects of research and discourse in this field. In this comment, we argue that these women have produced impressive changes.


Author(s):  
Margunn Bjørnholt

This chapter presents findings from a study that explored intimate partner violence (IPV) and its relation to gender, gender equality and power, drawing on qualitative interviews with 28 women and 9 men. The chapter argues that being exposed to violence from an intimate partner in a presumed gender equal country represents a particular minority position, and for whom the Norwegian gender equal legislation and discourse may become part of the problem: Love and gender equality could be used as rhetorical resources for the perpetrator, and gendered patterns of care may contribute to the gendered character of IPV. Furthermore, the language of love and the ideals of trust and transparency in a relationship could be used and abused by the perpetrator to legitimize coercive control. Gender equality and the ideal of gender balance could also be used as rhetorical resources by the abuser, including the sharing of housework, political engagement against violence as well as shared parenting after divorce. This shows that egalitarian attitudes and gender balance in the division of labour in the home are not incompatible with the exercise of violence. Further, gendered expectations and feelings of care and love formed a gendered entanglement that made it difficult to leave. Fear of the perpetrator and concern for children’s safety in the context of the contemporary egalitarian post-separation regime in Norway further added to victims’ ordeals.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 95-107
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Dyhal

Gender mainstreaming is an integral part of the process of building a democratic society, including in thepolitical sphere. In order to draw conclusions about gender equality in the political sphere, it is necessaryto constantly investigate the current situation. An indicator of gender equality in the political sphere is therepresentation of women and men in the governmental institutions. Therefore, there is a need to analyse thegender structure of central and local authorities in the European Union.The aim of the paper is to analyse the representation of women and men in elected authorities andgovernments of the European Union and Ukraine. The author explored the participation of men and womenin the European Parliament, national parliaments of European countries, national governmental authorities,regional and local parliaments of the EU and Ukraine.The gender structures of different authorities were compared. The countries with gender equality in thepolitical sphere and the countries with the largest imbalances were identified.The author analysed the factors that contributed to the establishment of equality in countries with indicatorsas close as possible to gender balance (Scandinavian countries). Among such factors the most interesting are:emancipation of women; high level of social development; institutional factors and legislation as incentives.A comparison of the gender structures of the central executive and legislative bodies and local councils ofUkraine and Poland was made.


Author(s):  
Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon ◽  
Kendall D. Funk

Despite national gains, women’s representation at the subnational level has not increased much over time. In this chapter, Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon and Kendall D. Funk present and analyze original data on subnational legislatures and executives in Latin America. They examine the determinants of women’s representation in legislative and executive office and show that institutions and cross-arena diffusion are key explanations. Escobar-Lemmon and Funk show that women in local executive and legislative offices have worked to promote gender equality and women’s issues and worked to transform political arenas in ways that make them less biased toward women. They do, however, point out some significant challenges for gender equality in subnational politics—women are not getting into local executive offices to the same extent as they are legislative offices, subnational party politics has not been friendly to women, and gender balance is far from assured in local judiciaries and bureaucracies.


Author(s):  
Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson ◽  
Meredith P. Gleitz

Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson and Meredith P. Gleitz show that the overall representation of women in cabinets has increased significantly since the democratic transition, but women and men tend to be represented in stereotypically gendered cabinet portfolios and women who get appointed look like men in experience, backgrounds, and other qualifications. They identify the main causes of the increase in women’s presence in cabinets as the recent political crises that have led to outsider, leftist, and female (to only a very small degree) presidents who select more women. Additionally, as women are getting more represented in national legislatures and subnational governments, they are more represented in cabinets. The consequences of greater gender balance in cabinets for women’s issues and gender equality programs are minimal. Female cabinet ministers find it difficult to promote women’s issues because they are often in posts with little access to resources or need to implement the president’s priorities instead.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Sukriti Dhingra ◽  
Helen Killaspy ◽  
Sarah Dowling

Aims and method To investigate whether gender balance in academic psychiatry in the UK has improved since a 2005 initiative to encourage career progression for female academics in UK universities. We surveyed the gender of academic psychiatrists across the UK and compared our findings with our previous 2003 London-wide survey and with the Royal College of Psychiatrists’ 2001 workforce census. Results The percentage of women in academic psychiatry posts in the UK more than doubled, from 20% in 2001 to 40% in 2019, with increases at senior lecturer (from 25 to 50%), reader/associate professor (from 29 to 48%) and professor level (from 11 to 21%). Outside London, men occupy 72% of all posts and 89% of professorial posts. Within London, men occupy 45% of all posts and 74% of professorial posts. Clinical implications The representation of women in academic psychiatry has improved but men continue to dominate at professorial level. Gender equality appears worse outside London. The situation is exacerbated by the diminishing availability of posts across the UK.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Erica Silva Teixeira ◽  
Alexandre Douglas Zaidan de Carvalho

RESUMOO presente trabalho se propõe a analisar, sob a perspectiva da garantia constitucional da igualdade de gênero, a participação das mulheres na Assembleia Legislativa do Estado da Bahia - ALBA. Através de uma abordagem empírica fundada no levantamento quantitativo dos mandatos parlamentares exercidos por mulheres em cada legislatura da ALBA após 1988, pretende-se demonstrar como a participação feminina naquela instituição representativa ainda é incipiente e enfrenta uma série de obstáculos. Tal constatação confirma algumas das hipóteses da literatura feminista sobre gênero e política e também da teoria democrática contemporânea sobre a baixa representatividade feminina nos órgãos legislativos. Ao final, apresentam-se indicativos a serem avaliados como alternativas inclusivas enquanto as estruturas partidárias não conseguem promover maior equilíbrio de gênero na representação política. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Igualdade de gênero; Democracia; Representatividade Política Feminina. ABSTRACTThis paper analyses the female political representation in the Legislative Assembly in the State of Bahia - ALBA, under a perspective of the constitutional guarantee of gender equality. Through an empirical approach stablished in a quantitative research on parliamentary mandates from women in each legislature since 1988 it is intended to show how female participation in that institution is still incipient and faces several obstacles. The evidence confirms some of the hypotheses of feminist literature on gender and politics and also from contemporary democratic theory on low female representation in legislative bodies. In the end, there are suggestions to be evaluated as inclusive alternatives as long as party structures cannot promote greater gender balance in political representation.  KEY WORDS: Gender equality; Democracy; Female Political Representation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Tsheukoto Mojapelo ◽  
Monde Ephraim Faku

This research paper aims to discuss one of most significant issues that many developing countries are grappling with: the gender representation gap in the African political sphere. The purpose of this research paper is to make a comparison in terms of the available legislative frameworks of South Africa and the kingdom of Lesotho. This research focused on bridging the gender gap and promoting the representation of women in the national parliaments of South Africa and Lesotho. In this article significant efforts were made to explore goal three of the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) which deals with the promotion of equality and empowerment of women. The following aspects were considered: the promotion of access to higher education for women, the protection offered by the constitution and the elimination of discriminatory practices against women, legislative provision in bridging the gender gap and affirmative action policy. The methodology that was adopted in this article was a qualitative approach. An unobtrusive method was employed to analyse the secondary data. The aim of this research is to contribute to and enhance the relevant body of knowledge. Although serious strides have been made in closing the gender representation gap and promoting women in politics, some countries are still lagging behind in the representation of women in key influential positions like parliament. However, other African countries have made progress in empowering women in their respective countries. This includes countries like Rwanda, where the national parliament consists of more than 63% women. Finding are discussed in greater detail as well as the limitations of the study, and lastly possible recommendations are explored.


Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-71
Author(s):  
Rafaela Dancygier

Immigration and the diversity it brings have led to the emergence of the “progressive's dilemma” whereby open societies that take in immigrant outsiders may find it difficult to maintain the solidarity required to sustain the welfare state. In this essay, I address another progressive's dilemma: Focusing on the case of Western Europe, I argue that when open borders give rise to radical-right parties, immigration can inadvertently also endanger progressive achievements in gender equality. Though xenophobic policies frequently constitute their core message and the primary source of their appeal, radical-right parties are also defenders of traditional family values and outspoken critics of measures that promote the economic and political advancement of women. Moreover, the composition of these parties, both in terms of voters and politicians, is disproportionately male. As a result, when radical-right, anti-immigrant parties enter national parliaments, the descriptive and substantive representation of women suffers, sometimes reversing long-held gains in gender equality.


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