scholarly journals LAS REFORMAS RELIGIOSAS DE AKBAR Y SU RELIGIÓN PERSONAL

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 8-23
Author(s):  
Roberto E. García
Keyword(s):  
Religious Identity ◽  
Strategic Alliances ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Way

Este artículo se enfoca en la figura del emperador mogol Akbar (1542-1605) y en la motivación detrás de sus reformas religiosas. En él se debaten los análisis de algunos historiadores que han interpretado estas reformas como el resultado de un viraje en la identidad religiosa del monarca mogol, pero que no han tomado suficientemente en cuenta la parcialidad que caracteriza a los cronistas de su época, cuyas obras constituyen una de las fuentes principales de la historia de ese periodo. A diferencia de otros trabajos, en este artículo se acentúa el carácter político de estas reformas religiosas que facilitaron al emperador el establecimiento de alianzas estratégicas con líderes políticos no musulmanes, y que al mismo tiempo le permitieron debilitar significativamente la influencia de los líderes religiosos musulmanes en los asuntos del estado. Esta interpretación revela que el emperador mogol, lejos de ser un mero actor político o religioso, fue un estratega inteligente que logró equilibrar los asuntos religiosos y políticos en su forma de administrar el imperio.AbstractThis article focuses on the figure of the Mughal Emperor Akbar (1542-1605) and on the motivation behind his religious reforms. It brings into discussion the analysis of certain historians who have interpreted these reforms as resulting from a shift in the religious identity of the Mughal monarch. However, such analysis have not sufficiently taken into account the bias characterizing the chroniclers of the time, works of which are one of the main sources of the history of that period. Unlike other studies, this article highlights the political nature of these religious reforms that facilitated the establishment of strategic alliances with non-Muslim political leaders and, at the same time, allowed Akbar to significantly weaken the influence of Muslim religious leaders in affairs of state. This interpretation reveals that the Mughal emperor was, far from being a mere political or religious actor, a clever strategist who managed to balance religious and political issues in the way he administered the empire. 

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rembert Lutjeharms
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poetry And Poetics ◽  
Sanskrit Poetics ◽  
History Of ◽  
Sanskrit Poetry ◽  
The Way

This chapter introduces the main themes of the book—Kavikarṇapūra, theology, Sanskrit poetry, and Sanskrit poetics—and provides an overview of each chapter. It briefly highlights the importance of the practice of poetry for the Caitanya Vaiṣṇava tradition, places Kavikarṇapūra in the (political) history of sixteenth‐century Bengal and Orissa as well as sketches his place in the early developments of the Caitanya Vaiṣṇava tradition (a topic more fully explored in Chapter 1). The chapter also reflects more generally on the nature of both his poetry and poetics, and highlights the way Kavikarṇapūra has so far been studied in modern scholarship.

scholarly journals Swedish interventions in the tragedy of the Jews of Slovakia

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-39
Author(s):  
Denisa Nestakova ◽  
Eduard Nižňanský
Keyword(s):  
Jewish Community ◽  
Slovak Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Way

This article describes a largely unknown Swedish effort to intervene in deportations of Jews of Slovakia between 1942 and 1944. Swedish officials and religious leaders used their diplomatic correspondence with the Slovak government to extract some Jewish individuals and later on the whole Jewish community of Slovakia from deportations by their government and eventually by German officials. Despite the efforts of the Swedish Royal Consulate in Bratislava, the Swedish arch­bishop, Erling Eidem, and the Slovak consul, Bohumil Pissko, in Stockholm, and despite the acts taken by some Slovak ministries, the Slovak officials, including the president of the Slovak Republic, Jozef Tiso, revoked further negotiations in the autumn of 1944. However, the negotiations between Slovakia and Sweden created a scope for actions to protect some Jewish individuals which were doomed­ to failure because of the political situation. Nevertheless, this plan and the previous diplomatic interventions are significant for a description of the almost unknown Swedish and Slovak efforts to save the Jews of Slovakia. Repeated Swedish offers to take in Jewish individuals and later the whole community could well have prepared the way for larger rescues. These never occurred, given the Slovak interest in deporting their own Jewish citizens and later the German occupation of Slovakia. 

scholarly journals Use of Russia’s Information and Communication Technologies in Political Instrumentalization of Ukraine’s History

2021 ◽  
pp. 47-61
Author(s):  
Serhiy Danylenko ◽  
Olena Shcherbatiuk
Keyword(s):  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Effective Response ◽  
Media Communication ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Federation

The political instrumentalization of the history of Ukraine carried out by the Russian Federation in the framework of the information war against Ukraine is covered in this article. This instrumentalization is exercised through media communication employing historical and political myths and narratives to vindicate Russia’s aggressive actions. The latest information and communication technologies used by the Kremlin in the information war against Ukraine have been identified in this paper. Such destructive efforts often derail Ukrainian-Polish relations, which are particularly sensitive to historical and political issues. The reasons for the drawbacks of the Ukrainian authorities in counteracting the information aggression on the part of the Russian Federation are distinguished, and the measures that would contribute to an effective response to such aggression are outlined.

The EU's Use of the Internet

2011 ◽  
pp. 774-783
Author(s):  
J. Shahin
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Information Provision ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
European Level ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Use Of The Internet ◽  
The Eu ◽  
The Way

The European Union (EU) has been one of the leading lights concerning Internet use in dealing with other public administrations and citizens. This article will argue that e-government has meant that the European Commission has been able to promote a virtual arena for pan-European activity, which has promoted action at the national and local levels in the EU. In the first instance, this article will deal with how the European Commission uses the Internet to attempt to improve its own relationship with both national public administrations and citizens in terms of the European policy-making process. Although the Internet is perceived as aiding public administrations in information and service provision, which helps to deliver better governance from an institutional governance perspective, a focus on this would only tell one half of the story. Increasing democratic participation and regaining trust in the political system at large is also an important issue for public bodies such as the European Commission to address, and this is not merely a technical process. These technical (efficiency, etc.) and democratic stages are two key parts in the process of developing an information and communication technology (ICT)-based governance agenda in the EU. In order to outline the process, this article deals with four different aspects of the European Commission’s e-policies. It makes reference to the following: 1. The Commission’s information provision, through the EU’s Europa (II) Web server; 2. The way in which the Commission has tried to interact with citizens, using interactive policy making (IPM); 3. The e Commission initiative; and 4. The way in which the Commission links member-state public administrations together, through the IDA(BC) programme. This article reveals the increasing coherence of the European Commission’s approach to using the Internet in institutional affairs. Although the Commission’s approach to using the Internet for governance was initially unstable and ad hoc, by the turn of the century, all efforts had converged around the political issues of institutional reform and better governance. This has been further enhanced by the application of the open method of coordination as one of the tools of EU governance, which has enabled the Commission to take a more informal role in implementing e-government strategies at the pan-European level. This article does not attempt to define e-government at the European level nor does it go into policy areas concerning e-government (such as research, socioeconomic inclusion, improving competitiveness, or specific e-government policy developed by the European Commission), but will contribute to a greater understanding of how the EU itself has used the Internet to promote an e-government agenda that is affecting all public administrations.

The Political Effects of Religious Cues

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aubrey Westfall ◽  
Özge Çelik Russell
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Complex Dynamics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Religious Language ◽  
Religious Values ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diverse Range ◽  
Political Candidate ◽  
The Way

Religion is a central and comprehensive identity for billions of people all over the world. Politicians and other political actors recognize the vitality of religion and use it for political purposes, deliberately signaling religion, religiosity, or religious values and connecting them to political outcomes or behaviors in an effort to influence the political preferences of religious practitioners. The most efficient way to make the connection between religion and politics is through religious cues. Religious cues create information shortcuts linking religious identity or values with a political candidate or issue. Religious cues are used by political and religious actors in secular and religious contexts and are typically one of two general types: identity cues, which engage an individual’s religious identity and activate an in-group/out-group effect, and linkage cues, which link religious values or beliefs with an issue or candidate. Identity cues are particularly tricky to use in secular contexts because they have been shown to have strong alienating effects on nonreligious people, thereby defeating the intended purpose of the cue sender. For this reason, coded religious language called “implicit cues” is used with greater frequency in political discourse where only the religious cue receiver recognizes the religious cue for what it is. This strategy allows a political candidate to reap the benefits of the cue without risking alienation. While scholars have made substantial progress in using experimental methods to disentangle the ways religious cues influence political behavior, there is ample opportunity for more research exploring different types of religious cues and the way they interact with other forms of cues and identities. Furthermore, most of the research on religious cues has focused on Christian cues in the United States, and a more diverse range of religions and contexts should be explored to understand the way religious cues influence political behavior. Researchers should also expand the definition of “religious practitioners” to explore how religious cues influence the growing number of people who do not affiliate with a religion or engage in practices traditionally associated with religiosity but do identify as religious. This would help to expand conceptualization of political behavior to more accurately reflect lived political experiences. Embracing these opportunities will allow the scholarly community to gain a better understanding of the varied political dynamics of religious cueing, which offers insights into how fundamental identities and attitudes are linked, thereby shedding more light on the complex dynamics of political behavior.

scholarly journals Gita Philosophy and its Influence on Nepali Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-178
Author(s):  
Girdhari Dahal
Keyword(s):  
First Generation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic

The people of Nepal have witnessed different political movements in the political history of Nepal. The political movements are influenced by different philosophies. Gita philosophy as well has marked distinct impact in the politics of Nepal. The people of Nepal had to bear a lot of injustice, oppression and exploitation during Rana rule. Although the governments prior to Rana rule were also not so much democratic, to some extent they were directed to public welfare. At the time of Rana rule there had taken place many reformations in global politics, but Nepali people were denied off very common citizen rights. So, there was a need for a democratic movement in Nepal. In the campaigns for democratic movements then, there was a very significant impact of Gita philosophy. It is found from this study that four martyrs of 1997BS and founder leaders of Nepali Congress and Nepal Communist Party were influenced by the ideas of Gita philosophy and the general public has a great faith on the Gita philosophy. Gita philosophy has formed the foundations for the democratic movement in Nepal. And even after the establishment of democracy in Nepal, there were series of political changes in Nepal. And in the revolutions or campaigns for restoration of democracy or for the republic, there has been a role of different political leaders and as many of the first-generation leaders are still in active politics, we can find direct or indirect influence of Gita philosophy in Nepalese politics. Though the later generations of leadership seem to have less knowledge about Gita, their activities and the political interests matched with the principles of Gita philosophy.

scholarly journals The Main Factors of Yemeni Conflict: An Analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Adeb Abdulelah Abdulwahid Al-Tamimi ◽  
Uddagatti Venkatesha
Keyword(s):  
Social Situation ◽  
External Factors ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
External Interference ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
National Wealth ◽  
History Of ◽  
Research Findings ◽  
Political Economic

Yemen is an unsteady country with a long history of conflict and many complex issues that have led to the deterioration of the political, economic, and social situation. The conflict in its various stages began as an internal political struggle as a result of the people's grievances and the elite's competition for power and national wealth, in addition to other external factors. Hence, it is important to study the conflict factors in Yemen to understand the situation which in turn will help in providing solutions by decision-makers towards peace-making. Therefore, this study analyses the conflict factors in Yemen based on the political, economic, and social effects, in addition to the external interference effects. The research findings indicated that the conflict factors were not the only result of security or political issues but also presented by many socio-economic problems as well as external factors, which have affected of the country since its unification.

scholarly journals Democratization of Mazhabiyyah and Reconciliation of Politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Achmad Fawaid
Keyword(s):  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Japanese Occupation ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
The Future ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Religious Thoughts

In the history of Indonesia’s struggle to reach its independence, soldiers, scholars, and students had played great roles. Islamic figures such as Ulama’ and santri were among those heroes with notable contributions. Although many are not recognized regarding its huge numbers, some has nailed their names nationally for their influential political and religious thoughts. This article tries to explore the political and religious thoughts’ of Abdul Wahid Hasyim’s contribution to the establishment of Islam in Indonesia and the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia. His involvement since the Dutch colonial period, the Japanese occupation, until the independence, shows a santri’s struggle for national independence. The result shows that in the context of religion and politics, there are some interesting thoughts delivered by Abdul Wachid Hasyim. His writings on both aspects, religion and politics, predominantly reflect efforts to democratizing different mazhab which led to the modernization of Mazhabiyyah. Wahid Hasyim tried to democratize mazhabiyah differences which previously often cause conflicts and disintegration among Muslims. Wahid Hasyim believes that mazhabiyah differences cannot be obstacles for the unity of the Muslims. On the contrary, these differences can be reformulated to be transformed into a greater concept for the future of Islam. Moreover, he brought about the importance of reconciling political thoughts which can spread unity to the Muslims and Indonesia as a nation. Indonesian Muslims were no longer disintegrated simply due to political issues. He also struggled to reconcile political conflicts involving Muslims and non-Muslims in Indonesia. KeywordsDemocratization, Mazhabiyyah, Reconciliation of politics

scholarly journals The Moor’s Political Colour: Race and Othello in Poland

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (37) ◽  
pp. 171-190
Author(s):  
Anna Kowalcze-Pawlik
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Reception History ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
Racial Stereotypes ◽  
Skin Colour ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
Stage Adaptations ◽  
The Way

This paper provides a brief outline of the reception history of Othello in Poland, focusing on the way the character of the Moor of Venice is constructed on the page, in the first-published nineteenth-century translation by Józef Paszkowski, and on the stage, in two twentieth-century theatrical adaptations that provide contrasting images of Othello: 1981/1984 televised Othello, dir. Andrzej Chrzanowski and the 2011 production of African Tales Based on Shakespeare, in which Othello’s part is played by Adam Ferency (dir. Krzysztof Warlikowski). The paper details the political and social contexts of each of these stage adaptations, as both of them employ brownface and blackface to visualise Othello’s “political colour.” The function of blackface and brownface is radically different in these two productions: in the 1981/1984 Othello brownface works to underline Othello’s overall sense of alienation, while strengthening the existing stereotypes surrounding black as a skin colour, while the 2011 staging makes the use of blackface as an artificial trick of the actor’s trade, potentially unmasking the constructedness of racial prejudices, while confronting the audience with their own pernicious racial stereotypes.

The Japan-South Korea Rift: “Inside” and “Outside” Pressures on Relations

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Sakaki
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Relative Importance ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Mutual Cooperation ◽  
Time Period ◽  
History Of ◽  
Economic Ties

Although Japan–South Korea relations have been volatile throughout the postwar era, ties deteriorated to an unprecedented degree after 2011, with mutual mistrust hitting unseen heights. Focusing on this time period, the chapter analyzes the causes of the downturn. Previous studies show that bilateral tensions stem from clashes in the two countries’ national identity conceptions and historical disagreements more generally. While this chapter acknowledges the continuing relevance of these underlying sources of friction, it argues that ties have come under additional pressure from two spheres. First, pressure has built from the “inside”—the domestic-societal contexts—pushing the respective political leaders, who are mindful of public support and electoral effects, toward more nationalist positions vis-à-vis the other country. Consequently, the political room for mutual accommodation and compromise has shrunk. Second, pressure has built from the “outside”—from changes in the international arena. Tokyo and Seoul hold differing views on how to prioritize and respond to key international challenges, sowing mutual strategic mistrust. At the same time, Japan’s relative importance to Korea has fallen amid shifting economic ties in the region. With rising pressure from both “inside” and “outside,” the traditional bonds underpinning mutual cooperation have eroded, sending relations to their lowest point in the history of bilateral normalized relations since 1965.

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