scholarly journals RELASI AGAMA DAN NEGARA: TELAAH PEMIKIRAN POLITIK SOEKARNO DAN FAZLUR RAHMAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-91
Author(s):  
Sudarti Sudarti
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Method ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The People ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
The Relationship

  The author in this study wanted to see the similarities and differences in the political thoughts of Soekarno and Fazlur Rahman about the relationship between religion and the state. The type of research used is library research with a descriptive-comparative method. The results showed that Soekarno and Fazlur Rahman had a different paradigm in viewing the relationship between religion and state. Soekarno has a secularistic paradigm that separates religion and state to be implemented in Indonesia, while Fazlur Rahman has an Integralistic paradigm in which religion (Islam) and the state cannot be separated (integrated). However, these two figures agree that the sovereignty of a country is in the hands of the people and do not agree with the theory of God's sovereignty because God has never acted as politically sovereign nor as a maker of laws or laws. Keywords: Secularistic Paradigm, Integralistic Paradigm, God's Sovereignty.  

scholarly journals RELASI AGAMA DAN NEGARA DALAM PERSPEKTIF ISLAM

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Zaprulkhan Zaprulkhan
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
The State ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
The Relationship

<p class="IIABSBARU">One discourse that continues to be discussed in the realm of Islamic political philosophy is about the relation between religion and state. Broadly speaking, there are at least three paradigms of thinking about the relationship between religion and state. <em>First</em>, sekularistik paradigm, which says that Islam has nothing to do with the state, because Islam does not regulate state life or reign. <em>Second</em>, formalistic paradigm, which assumes that Islam is a complete religion, which includes everything, including the question of the state or a political system. <em>Third</em>, paradigms substansialistik, which rejects the notion that Islam covers everything and also rejects the notion that Islam is only governs the relationship between man and his Creator alone. This article will take pictures of how the three views of this paradigm by showing some of the characters are representative and critically using the comparative method.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" align="center">***</p>Salah satu wacana yang terus diperbincangkan dalam ranah filsafat politik Islam adalah mengenai relasi antara agama dan negara. Secara garis besar paling tidak ada tiga paradigma pemikiran tentang hubungan agama dan negara. <em>Pertama</em>, paradigma sekularistik, yang mengatakan bahwa Islam tidak ada hubungannya dengan negara, karena Islam tidak mengatur kehidupan bernegara atau pemerintahan. <em>Kedua</em>, paradigma formalistik, yang menganggap bahwa Islam adalah agama yang paripurna, yang mencakup segala-galanya, termasuk masalah negara atau sistem politik. <em>Ketiga</em>, paradigma substansialistik, yang menolak pendapat bahwa Islam mencakup segala-galanya dan juga menolak pandangan bahwa Islam hanya mengatur hubungan antara manusia dan Penciptanya semata. Artikel ini akan memotret bagaimana pandangan ketiga paradigma tersebut dengan menampilkan beberapa tokohnya yang representatif dan dengan meng­gunakan metode kritis komparatif.

Remarks on the Relationship between State and Religion in Hegel [1982]

2020 ◽  
pp. 199-219
Author(s):  
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde ◽  
Mirjam Künkler ◽  
Tine Stein
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
God's Will ◽  
The Core ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

Is and can religion be seen as a foundation of the modern state? In this article Böckenförde discusses the relationship between state and religion while reviewing Hegel’s main writings on this question. Reconstructing Hegel’s concept of the state, Böckenförde points out that for Hegel, the state is simultaneously universal and historical. It is more than the political system or government—it is the polity in general and the structured form in which the people exist. Moreover, the state is the materialization of the ethical idea as such and the manifestation of how ‘truth’ in history became reality. In Hegel’s view, ‘truth’ is ultimately God’s will in the world. Further, for Hegel, state and religion are two forms of the same substance: reason. Morality and reason are closely intertwined in Hegel. Religion is a source of morality for the people, and the state and the Church are the institutional manifestations of reason. Böckenförde shows that Hegel identifies individual conscience as the core of each person’s freedom; however, Hegel denies a right to an aberrant conscience, indicating a very limited notion of freedom. Finally, Böckenförde discusses Hegel’s philosophy in light of the state today with its separation of state and religion. Since today’s state does not consider religion as part of its foundation, in Hegel’s view it would ‘stand freely in the air’. Böckenförde concludes, contrary to Hegel, that only the democratic process and the people’s agreement on the things that cannot be voted upon can form the basis of the state.

The Political World of Fulke Greville

2018 ◽  
pp. 260-276
Author(s):  
Andrew Hadfield
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Sir Philip Sidney ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Poetry ◽  
Political World ◽  
The People ◽  
Fulke Greville ◽  
Political Works ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter provides an overview of Greville’s political poetry, arguing that his work has to be understood as part of a tradition of writing which aimed to explore the relationship between the Crown and the people, expressing ideas in pithy, memorable maxims. Greville explores the rights and duties of rulers and ruled throughout his political works, most significantly, Mustapha and A Treatise of Monarchy, works which recall earlier political poetry such as A Mirror for Magistrates and the poetry of Sir Philip Sidney. Greville emerges as a figure always interested in imagining a truly balanced constitution in which the monarch and the people cooperate and respect each other: accordingly, his most forceful criticism was aimed at what he saw as the encroaching power of the state in the seventeenth century.

scholarly journals DINAMIKA WACANA FORMALISASI SYARIAT DALAM POLITIK: IKHTIAR MENEMUKAN RELEVANSI RELASI AGAMA DAN NEGARA PERSPEKTIF INDONESIA

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Mahathir Muhammad Iqbal
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ethics ◽  
State Laws ◽  
Interesting Study ◽  
Official Policy ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

<p class="IIABSBARU">This research is an effort to find the relevance of the relationship between religion and the state are ideal. Because the formalization of Islamic shariah issue in political discourse is an interesting study in the relation between religion and state. By using the library approach, this article analyzes the involvement of the state in regulating citizens to implement Islamic shariah in Indonesia. Neutrality of the state to be the key in finding the relationship of both. Theoretically, this study provides an explanation that neutrality is not only understood as a state of devotion to give the rights of citizens to pray by faith, but also to limit citizens. For the implementation of shariah will be established and run well, when the state has a neutrality. So the state does not attract Islamic shariah becomes an official policy or state laws (shariah formalization). So also a Muslim can bring religion into the political circle, but only in the level of political ethics.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" align="center">***</p>Penelitian ini merupakan ikhtiar untuk menemukan relevansi hubungan agama dan negara yang ideal. Sebab Isu formalisasi syariat Islam dalam politik menjadi kajian menarik dalam wacana relasi agama dan negara. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan pustaka, artikel ini menganalisis keterlibatan negara dalam mengatur warga negara untuk mengimplementasikan syariat Islam di Indonesia. Adanya netralitas negara menjadi kunci dalam menemukan relasi keduanya. Secara teoritis, studi ini memberikan penjelasan bahwa netralitas tidak hanya dipahami sebagai pengabdian negara untuk memberikan hak-hak warga negara untuk berdoa berdasarkan iman, tetapi juga untuk membatasi warga negara. Sebab dalam pelaksanaan syariat akan dapat mapan dan berjalan dengan baik, manakala negara memiliki netralitas. Sehingga negara tidak menarik syariat Islam menjadi sebuah kebijakan resmi atau peraturan negara (formalisasi syariat). Dengan begitu seorang Muslim dapat membawa agama ke dalam lingkaran politik, tetapi hanya dalam tingkat etika politik.

scholarly journals Democracy in Islam: comparative study of Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri and Abdolkarim Soroush’s thoughts

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 253
Author(s):  
Happy Susanto
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Concern ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
The Relationship

<p>Using analytic and interpretative approaches, this research compares al-Jabiri<br />and Soroush’s thoughts about democracy in Islam. To assess Islam’s compatibility<br />with democracy, this thesis will analyze the issues of authority, sharia, and<br />freedom according to the two scholars. Al-Jabiri and Soroush agree that the<br />concept of authority in Islam cannot be interpreted simply as God’s sovereignty,<br />but it also concerns human rights and sovereignty. A leader put justice as his/her<br />central concern in practicing policies for citizens. To pursue this hope, they also<br />propose that sharia should be reinterpreted in order to be harmonizing in accordance<br />changing circumstances and time. Al-Jabiri has different understanding<br />with Soroush about the relationship between religion and state. Al-Jabiri sees<br />that Muslims are free to choose democracy as their political life. He doesn’t<br />agree the integration of religion and state. In this case, he doesn’t agree the<br />implementation of sharia in the state. Meanwhile Soroush sees that religion has<br />an important role in the state, so that he agrees the implementation of sharia<br />because according to him it supports the political process of the state.</p><p>Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri dan Abdolkarim Soroush merupakan intelektual Muslim<br />yang memandang bahwa Islam kompatibel dengan demokrasi, dan keduanya<br />termasuk dalam kelompok moderat. Untuk menguji apakah Islam kompatibel<br />dengan demokrasi, artikel ini menganalisis isu-isu otoritas, syariah, dan kebebasan<br />menurut pandangan kedua tokoh tersebut. Kedua intelektual itu memiliki<br />pandangan filosofis yang sejalan tentang ide demokrasi dalam Islam. Misalnya,<br />konsep otoritas dalam Islam tidak saja dipahami sebagai bentuk kedaulatan Tuhan,<br />namun yang lebih penting bahwa konsep ini juga memerhatikan aspek hak dan<br />kedaulatan manusia. Syariah perlu direinterpretasi agar sesuai dengan konteks<br />perubahan zaman dan dapat mengarah pada pencapaian tujuannya. Perbedaan<br />keduanya terletak pada relasi agama-negara. Dalam hal ini, al-Jabiri memiliki<br />pandangan yang “liberal” bahwa konsep sebuah negara tidak perlu berdasarkan<br />identitas agama. Umat Islam diberikan kebebasan penuh untuk menjalankan<br />kehidupan politiknya, tanpa terbebani oleh rujukan teks-teks Islam yang masih<br />diperdebatkan. Dengan demikian, ia memandang bahwa penerapan syariah dalam<br />sebuah negara tidak perlu karena sesungguhnya syariah belum penah diterapkan<br />secara sempurna. Sedangkan Soroush berpandangan sebaliknya bahwa identitas<br />agama perlu ditambatkan ke dalam ide sebuah negara (demokrasi).</p>

PERAN ULAMA SELAKU PEWARIS NABI DALAM KONTESTASI PEMILU-PILPRES TAHUN 2019 DI INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Online Social Media ◽  
The People ◽  
Religious Issue ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religion And State

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.

Speaking for Islam

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
French Model

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.

The Concept of the Political

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Movements ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 2 reinterprets Schmitt’s concept of the political. Schmitt argued that Weimar developments, especially the rise of mass movements politically opposed to the state and constitution, demonstrated that the state did not have any sort of monopoly over the political, contradicting the arguments made by predominant Weimar state theorists, such as Jellinek and Meinecke. Not only was the political independent of the state, Schmitt argued, but it could even be turned against it. Schmitt believed that his contemporaries’ failure to recognize the nature of the political prevented them from adequately responding to the politicization of society, inadvertently risking civil war. This chapter reanalyzes Schmitt’s political from this perspective. Without ignoring enmity, it argues that Schmitt also defines the political in terms of friendship and, importantly, “status par excellence” (the status that relativizes other statuses). It also examines the relationship between the political and Schmitt’s concept of representation.

Democracy and Excellence: Concord or Conflict?

2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 535-537
Author(s):  
Laura Stephenson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Class Structure ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Societies ◽  
The Relationship

Democracy and Excellence: Concord or Conflict?, Joseph Romance and Neil Reimer, eds., Westport CN: Praeger, 2005, 166, pp. xiv.This volume is the product of a question, asked by Neal Reimer, about the relationship between democracy and excellence. Reimer provides background for this relationship in the first chapter, noting that it can be framed as government by the people versus standards of the good, true and beautiful. Conflict can arise between the two ideas because democracy prioritizes equality of citizens—but excellence depends upon the recognition of differentiating merit. While democracy provides citizens freedom from a limiting class structure, the lack of structure can make citizens indifferent to pursuing a noble vision of the state. Reimer argues, however, that there is a fundamental harmony between democracy and excellence and that examples of excellence in democratic societies (such as the United States) are many. It is possible and likely that democratic societies will attain excellence in practice.

Trade Unions

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Whiting
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Modern Britain ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Critical Moments

In assessing the relationship between trade unions and British politics, this chapter has two focuses. First, it examines the role of trade unions as significant intermediate associations within the political system. They have been significant as the means for the development of citizenship and involvement in society, as well as a restraint upon the power of the state. Their power has also raised questions about the relationship between the role of associations and the freedom of the individual. Second, the chapter considers critical moments when the trade unions challenged the authority of governments, especially in the periods 1918–26 and 1979–85. Both of these lines of inquiry underline the importance of conservatism in the achievement of stability in modern Britain.

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