scholarly journals FROM THE MONARCHY TREE TO NATION: THE USE OF METAPHORS IN EARLY MODERN FRENCH POLITICAL DISCOURSE

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-68
Author(s):  
Ludmila Pimenova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Human Body ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Social ◽  
Body Metaphor ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
The Republic

The article examines three legal treatises written between the late 16th and late 18th centuries, whose authors used the language of metaphors, analyzing also the way this language was reflected in images. Both jurists and artists tried to demonstrate to their readers and spectators that society was unified and, at the same time, consisted of estates unequal in their status. For this purpose, metaphors of the human body, tree, army, and family were used. Over the period under discussion, the attitude towards metaphors changed significantly. Although the possibility of using the language of metaphors to adequately describe and know society was put into doubt more than once in the 17th and 18th centuries, contemporaries did not abandon this language. In the 18th century, many of the usual metaphors were rethought in Enlightenment literature, as well as in journalism and propaganda texts published on the eve of the French Revolution. The body metaphor received a new interpretation within the framework of the social contract concept, while the image of France as the king’s spouse was transformed into the figure of Marianne the Republic.

Inclusions: Concerning a Theory and Aesthetics of Police

2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Vogl
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
The Body ◽  
Friedrich Schiller ◽  
The Social ◽  
New Form

AbstractSince the eighteenth century what is known as the ›body politic‹ has duplicated itself in a very specific way. Alongside the models of the social contract we can observe, under the label ›police‹, the emergence of political knowledge dealing with the regulation of social, economic, medical and moral spheres. This tension between sovereign representation and the empirical ›body politic‹ became critical after the French Revolution. The works of Friedrich Schiller may serve as an example of the intense exchange between aesthetic and police-theoretical problems: a quest to mediate between the laws of reason and the scope of empirical forces; and to grasp the economics of a political power which converts the inclusion of the excluded into a new form of degenerate life.

scholarly journals Freedom and inequality: On the problem of the history and philosophy of liberalism

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-287
Author(s):  
Vladimir P. Rozhkov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Natural Law ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Legal Argumentation ◽  
Classical Liberalism ◽  
The Social ◽  
Liberal Attitude ◽  
The French Revolution

The article is devoted to the study of the problem of the doctrinal identification of freedom and inequality by classical liberalism and neoliberalism. Identifying the features of the naturalistic and theological approaches to the manifestation of inequality in human communities, the author notes the philosophical justification of the legal argumentation of inequality in the theories of natural law and the social contract of modern thinkers. The appeal to the value dynamics reflected in the slogans of the French revolution of the 18th century allows the author to reveal the gradual displacement of the priorities of “Equality” and “Brotherhood”, which were put forward by the revolutionary democracy, by the liberal movements. The final statement of Locke’s version of the orientation of classical liberalism on the triad “Freedom. Property. Life”, according to the author, logically determines the identification of freedom with inequality, and equality with slavery by representatives of liberal circles. The development of the concepts of “social solidarity” by the theorists of neoliberalism, according to the author’s proof, does not change the liberal attitude to “freedom in inequality”. The analysis of the categories of freedom and inequality allows the author to formulate the contradictions of this provision. The article concludes that with the aggravation of the derived contradiction to the maximum, the risk of self-denial of liberalism increases.

Paradoxes of democracy: Rousseau and Hegel on democratic deliberation

2021 ◽  
pp. 019145372199070
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Rustighi
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Democratic Participation ◽  
Democratic Deliberation ◽  
Pluralistic Society ◽  
Critical Response ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Deliberative Processes

In this article, I engage with what relevant literature addresses as the ‘paradox of democracy’ and trace it back to the dialectic between authorization and representation established by social contract theories. To make my argument, I take Rousseau’s Social Contract as a paradigmatic example of the paradox and analyse it in light of Hegel’s critical response. My aim is to show that, although Rousseau rejects the idea of representing the popular will, representation resurfaces in his Republic from top to bottom and engenders a structural opposition between citizens and rulers: drawing on the Hegelian scrutiny of contractarianism, I focus on three key moments in Rousseau’s theory, namely the Lawgiver, the majority rule and the executive power. After illustrating how the social contract undermines democratic participation in deliberative processes, I suggest that Hegel’s philosophy of right overcomes the paradox by positively assuming it as a dialectical contradiction that requires a specific constitutional approach to democracy. In this sense, I argue, the Hegelian perspective on democratic deliberation helps us to better frame Rousseau’s ambition to conceive the Republic as a free community of equals and urges us to elaborate a more coherent understanding of participation in a pluralistic society.

scholarly journals PLATÃO E ROUSSEAU: sobre a alma do governante

2015 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
José Assunção Fernandes Leite
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Republic

O filósofo genebrino Jean-Jacques Rousseau, em suas reflexões políticas, mais precisamente, no primeiro livro Do Contrato Social, ao expor sobre de quem deveria ser a responsabilidade de pensar sobre as formas de governar, argumenta: “Entro na matéria sem demonstrar a importância de meu assunto. Perguntar-me-ão se sou príncipe ou legislador, para escrever sobre política. Se fosse príncipe ou legislador, não perderia meu tempo, dizendo o que deve ser feito; haveria de fazê-lo, ou calar-me”. Ora, como não somos nem príncipes e nem governantes, faremos o que fez Jean-Jacques, investigaremos que mérito é esse recebido por alguns homens para que possam governar. Para esta investigação recorreremos a Platão como contra ponto ao filósofo iluminista, ao utilizar-se do conceito de alma e suas potências para legitimar os estamentos de uma cidade justa e o governo do filósofo n’A República. Para esse confronto utilizaremos o Discurso sobre a origem e os fundamentos da desigualdade entre os homens onde o filósofo faz sua análise das formas de governo e qual seria a melhor delas para os homens viverem e, os discursos empregados como forma de persuadir os demais para aceitarem as formas de governo. Palavras-chave: Alma. Governante. Mérito pessoal. Discurso.  PLATÃO AND ROUSSEAU: about the the soul of the rulerAbstract: The genevese philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau in your politics reflexions, precisely, in the firstbook Of the Social Contract, to exhibit about whose should be the responsibility of think about the forms of to govern,argue: “ I come in the matter without to show the importance of the subject. They will ask me if I am a princeor legislator, to write about politics. If I were prince or legislator, I am not would lost my time, saying what should bedone; should I do it or shut up me.” Well, how we will do what did Jean-Jacques, we will investigate what merit is thisreceived for some kind of men to can to govern. For it we will recourse to Platão like counterpoint to the illuministphilosopher, when he use the concept of soul and your potency for legitimate the class of a fair city and the governmentof philosopher in the Republic. For this confront we will use the Speech about the origin and the basis of theinequality among the men where the philosopher make your analyses of the forms of govern and what would be thebest of them to the others men live and, the speech used like a way to accept your forms of govern.Keywords: Soul. Ruling. Personal merit. Speech.   PLATÃO Y ROUSSEAU: sobre el alma del gobernante Resumen: El filósofo ginebrino Jean-Jacques Rousseau, en sus reflexiones políticas, más precisamente, en  el primero libro Del Contrato Social, al exponer sobre de quién debería ser la responsabilidad de pensar sobre las formas de gobierno, argumenta: “Entro en la materia sin demonstrar la importancia de mi asunto. Preguntarán si soy príncipe o legislador, para escribir sobre política. Si fuera un príncipe o legislador no perdería mi tiempo, diciendo  lo que debe ser hecho, habría  de  hacerlo o callarme.” Pues, como no somos ni príncipe ni legislador, haremos lo  que ha hecho Jean–Jacques Rousseau, investigaremos cuál mérito es ese recibido por algunos hombres para que puedan gobernar. Para  esta investigación recurriremos a Platão como contrapunto al filósofo iluminista, al utilizar del concepto de alma y  sus potencias para legitimar los estamentos de una ciudad justa y el gobierno del filósofo En la República. Para esa confrontación utilizaremos el Discurso sobre   la origen y los fundamentos  de las desigualdades entre los hombres donde el filósofo  haz su análisis  de las formas de gobierno y cuál sería la mejor de ellas para los hombres vivieren y,  los discursos empleados como forma de persuadir a los demás para aceptaren las formas de gobierno. Palabras clave: Alma. Gobernante. Mérito personal. Discurso.  

SCIENTIFIC AND THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE SOCIAL CONTRACT IN THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-37
Author(s):  
Khurshida Saydivalieva ◽  
◽  
Abror Alimov
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Poverty Reduction ◽  
Sustainable Growth ◽  
Time Poverty ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Theoretical Foundations ◽  
Made In

A strong social policy is the basis for a prosperous lifestyle of the population of thecountry. One of the urgent issues that are in the focus of attention of the world's countries is the problem of poverty and unemployment. In particular, today, in the context of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic, this issue is becoming increasingly relevant. The introduction of quarantine measures to preserve the health of the population in the face of the pandemic paved the way for a further escalationof unemployment, which led to a sharp increase in poverty rates,atthe same time, poverty is one of the factors that negatively affect the sustainable growth of the country's economy. The poor are not only unable to benefit from economic development, butalso to contribute to the development of society. The article analyzes the mechanisms of poverty reduction in the world community, and the efforts made in Uzbekistan, the importance of the social contract as a mechanism of social assistance and the need for its implementation in practice, the experience of foreign countries in the application of the social contract.

Afterword Quilting the Black-Eyed Pea

2019 ◽  
pp. 257-272
Author(s):  
Michael O. West
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Self ◽  
Declaration Of Independence ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Republic ◽  
To Come ◽  
A Charge

It is a truism that black folk in the United States are an international people. From the beginning of the republic, they were compelled by force of domestic (national) circumstances to internationalize their struggle for liberation, the founders having excluded them from the US social contract. The initial affidavit of exclusion is right there in the inaugural document of the social contract, the Declaration of Independence, which, ever so cryptically, damned the king of England for having “excited domestic insurrections amongst us.” This was an attack on the self-emancipatory activities of the enslaved descendants of Africa, who were exploiting the chaos caused by the anticolonial rebellion to claim their freedom, sometimes in cahoots with the British colonialists. Unable or unwilling to confront their own contradictions, the authors of the Declaration of Independence condemned the self-determination of the slaves as the doing of outside agitators, a charge that would be hurled at African American movements and activists for generations to come—up to the present time, in fact....

Bourgeoisie

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Maza
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Social History ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Historical Narratives ◽  
French History ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of

The concept of a group called “the bourgeoisie” is unusual in being both central to early modern and modern European history, and at the same time highly controversial. In old regime France, people frequently used the words “bourgeois” or “bourgeoisie” but what they meant by them was very different from the meaning historians later assigned to those terms. In the nineteenth century the idea of a “bourgeoisie” became closely associated with Marxian historical narratives of capitalist ascendancy. Does it still make sense to speak of a “bourgeoisie”? This article attempts to lay out and clarify the terms of the problem by posing a series of questions about this aspect of the social history of Ancien Régime France, with a brief look across the Channel for comparison. It considers first the problem of definition: what was and is meant by “the bourgeoisie” in the context of early modern French history? Second, what is the link between eighteenth-century economic change and the existence and nature of such a group, and can we still connect the origins of the French Revolution to the “rise” of a bourgeoisie? And finally, can the history of perceptions and representations of a bourgeoisie or middle class help us to understand why the concept has been so problematic in the longer run of French history?

scholarly journals Fall-Recovery Technique as Technology in Dancer’s Body

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-74
Author(s):  
Kiki Rahmatika
Keyword(s):  
Human Body ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Social ◽  
Recovery Technique ◽  
The Right ◽  
Fall Recovery

the human body is a tool that capable of understanding and then reveal various problems that exist in the social life. Body as tool means a body that has a technique or as technology that is able to express the problem. if the body has been positioned as a tool, of course the tool must have a technique that has been honed its ability. For example fall-recovery’s technique which is discovered by dorris Humphrey. then to get to the technique, the body must get treatment, conditioning and emphasis through strict discipline. ultimately the techniques that make the body into technology will be constructed through body behavior which is doing by long exercises and method from the right technique.

scholarly journals Sovereignty and Democracy in Global Times: acutality of the Jean-Jacques Rousseau Political Philosophy and the limits of the social contract

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Marcus Baccega
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
The Political ◽  
Global Capital ◽  
Political Sovereignty ◽  
Jean Bodin ◽  
The Social ◽  
Isidore Of Seville ◽  
The Republic

SOBERANIA E DEMOCRACIA EM TEMPOS MUNDIALIZADOS: ATUALIDADE DA FILOSOFIA POLÍTICA DE JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU E OS LIMITES DO CONTRATO SOCIAL Resumo: este artigo visa a problematizar os (des)caminhos dos conceitos políticos e das práticas sociais e jurídicas em torno da soberania política do Estado Nacional e da democracia nos tempos de mundialização do Capital. Portanto, revisita e percorre uma breve arqueologia conceitual da Soberania, desde Isidoro de Sevilha até a clássica definição de Jean Bodin nos Seis Livros sobre a República (1576). O propósito é problematizar a filosofia política de Rousseau para, então, perceber e discutir seus limites suas virtualidades, bem como a atualidade de sua noção de Contrato Social e o papel da Filosofia Política na Era do Capital Global. Palavras-chave: Rousseau. Soberania. Mundialização do Capital. Abstract: this paper casts doubt on the ways and shunts of political concepts and social and legal practices concerning political sovereignty of the Nation State and democracy at the time of Capital’s globalization. It revisits a brief conceptual archeology of Sovereignty, since Isidore of Seville to the classical definition by Jean Bodin in The Six Books on the Republic (1576). The purpose is casting doubt on the political philosophy of Rousseau, in order to discuss its limits and virtualities, and the topicality of his notion of social contract and the role of Political Philosophy at the Age of Global Capital. Keywords: Rousseau. Sovereignty. Globalization of Capital.

scholarly journals A CONTROVERSA RELAÇÃO DE J.-J. ROUSSEAU COM A REPÚBLICA DE GENEBRA

Sapere Aude ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
pp. 157-171
Author(s):  
Vital Francisco Celestino Alves
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Central Axis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Republic

Na filosofia de Jean-Jacques Rousseau encontramos diversos elogios a modelos políticos oriundos da Antiguidade (Esparta e Roma), assim como outros elogios à República de Genebra. A esse último modelo, o pensador dedica a obra Discurso sobre a origem e os fundamentos da desigualdade entre os homens. Entretanto, até que ponto se pode afirmar que a ordenação política genebrina influenciou e contribuiu para a formação do pensamento político de Rousseau? Tendo essa questão como eixo central e objetivando produzir uma reflexão sobre a Genebra de Rousseau, o presente artigo pretende: primeiro, descrever como era a ordem política genebrina; segundo, tratar da relação entre Rousseau e Genebra; e, por último, correlacionar a posição que ocupa a cidade natal do autor com os seus escritos políticos apresentados na Dedicatória e no Contrato social e examinar a consistência das três principais linhas interpretativas que relacionam Genebra à filosofia política de Rousseau.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Rousseau. República de Genebra. Relação.ABSTRACTIn the philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau we find several compliments to political models coming from Antiquity (Sparta and Rome), as well as other compliments to the Republic of Geneva. To this last model, the thinker dedicates the work Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men. However, to what extent can one affirm that the political order of Geneva influenced and contributed to the formation of Rousseau's political thought? With this question as the central axis and aiming to produce a reflection on Rousseau's Geneva, the present article aims to: first, describe the Genevan political, second, deal with Rousseau's relationship with Geneva, and, finally, correlate the position the author's hometown occupies with his political writings presented in the Dedication and the Social Contract and examine the consistency of the three main interpretive lines relating Geneva to Rousseau's political philosophy.KEYWORDS: Rousseau. Republic of Geneva. Relationship.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document