scholarly journals A jelenlét nélküli jelen(lét) – a hazai pártszervezetek fejlettségének területi különbségei

2021 ◽  
Vol 145 (3) ◽  
pp. 232-248

Numerous studies draw a direct link between party institutionalization and democratic (re) consolidation. The level of organization of a given political movement can easily determine their subsequent electoral performance. Not just in Hungary, but within the wider Central-Eastern-European region, accessing data on party membership, branch offices, etc., is extremely challenging, therefore concluding or discovering party organizational strength is a critical research area. In this study I am making a bold attempt to unveil the social embeddedness of the most important political parties from the 2014 general elections to the latest EP elections (2019), by using the polling station table-seater delegates` presence as an indicator of local party presence itself. I assume that, if a given party is not able to delegate a single person to a certain polling station, they have no operating organizations at the grassroots level, therefore it indicates their lack of localization and extensive network. With simple quantitative methodologies, I was also seeking the relationship between electoral performance and party organizational presence locally.

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 637-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Rybář ◽  
Peter Spáč

The existing research suggests that socially rooted new political parties are more likely to be reelected to parliaments than parties emerging without links to preexisting social groups. It is argued that the two groups face different prospects of institutionalization: Rooted parties are more viable because their links to preexisting societal groups contribute to a higher sustainability of their electoral support and stronger institutionalization. We assess the link between the origin of parties, their level of institutionalization, and their electoral performance in the context of Slovakia, a new Eastern European democracy. We add to the existing state of knowledge in three ways. First, we empirically assess the link between the social origin of parties and their level of institutionalization. We also provide rich empirical material on the intraparty processes resulting in various levels of institutionalization. Subsequently, we assess whether rooted parties record better electoral performance than political entrepreneur parties. Second, we provide some illustration of the fact that agential factors, especially the decisions and activities related to leadership contestation, directly impact both party institutionalization and electoral performance. Third, we show that developing the links to a sociostructurally well-defined electorate may be a viable strategy to secure a parliamentary relevance for a prolonged period of time for some political entrepreneurs. Our findings suggest that parties with different levels of institutionalization are able to secure reelection, and that their electoral performance is not directly linked to their social origins.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-89
Author(s):  
Indrė Balčaitė

AbstractThis study probes the relationship between legal precarity and transborder citizenship through the case of the Karen from Myanmar in Thailand. Collected through ethnographic multi-sited fieldwork between 2012 and 2016, interconnected individual life stories evolving across the Myanmar-Thailand border allow the critical interrogation of the political and legal categories of ‘migrancy’, ‘refugeeness’, and ‘citizenship’, teasing out their blurry boundaries in migrants’ experience. Following the recent critical research in legal ethnography, this study demonstrates that legal precarity is not simply an antithesis to citizenship. The social and legal dimensions of citizenship may diverge, creating in-between areas of not-yet-full-citizenship with varying levels of heft (Macklin 2007). The article consists of three parts. First, it offers a theoretical framework to reconcile the Karen legal precarity (even de facto statelessness) and citizenship, even on both sides of the border (legally impossible). Second, it presents the three groups of Karen in Thailand, produced by the interaction of three major waves of Karen eastward migration and tightening Thai citizenship and migration regulations: Thai Karen, refugees, and migrant workers. All three face varying levels of legal precarity of temporary status without full citizenship. However, the last part demonstrates the intertwined nature of those groups. A grassroots transborder perspective reveals the resilience of the Karen networks when pooling together resources of the hubs established on Thai soil by the three waves. Even the most recent arrivals in Thailand use those resources to move from one precarious legal status to another and even to clandestinely obtain citizenship.


Author(s):  
Ira Robinson

The social, economic and religious pressures encountered by Eastern European Jews who emigrated to North America have been well documented. But focus on these areas has mostly failed to take into account the relationship between Orthodox Judaism and the process of adaptation to the New World. At the turn of the century, Orthodox rabbis, immigrants themselves, actively wrestled with the competing demands of Orthodox tradition and modern society. One such rabbi, Judah (Yudel) Rosenberg, brought with him to Canada a background combining both traditional Hasidism and secular learning. Rosenberg sought to draw the people closer to tradition by making it more accessible to them. Mysticism, especially, he viewed as the key to the preservation and regeneration of Judaism amongst a population that found it easier to make excuses than to follow the letter of religious law.


Stan Rzeczy ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 79-98
Author(s):  
Andreas Langenohl

Historical and political science research into the role and significance of elections in state-socialist societies points to the variety of functions that these elections fulfilled, notwithstanding their deficiency if compared to liberal democratic conceptions such as the legitimation of the political  regime and the mobilisation and socialisation of the population. This paper takes a novel approach towards the social significance of state-socialist elections, arguing that they conveyed imaginary understandings of the societies and polities of which they were part. The concept of the imaginary is discussed in conversation with Charles Taylor, who argues that public social practices are informed by mostly latent “understandings” that render them subjectively meaningful in the first place. Referring to historical research on state-socialist elections, imaginary understandings are identified that pertain in particular to the relationship between officially proclaimed “truths” and unofficial positionings towards them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-225
Author(s):  
István Benedek

Abstract It is my contention that populism could be an appropriate framework to describe, explain and connect the phenomena of global crisis of democracy and functioning of electoral autocracies. In order to substantiate this claim, with the method of literature review, I examine first the characteristics of these phenomena. Then I focus on the nature of the relationship between them, in particular on the complex system of new types of autocracies’ stability, in which populism could play a crucial role. Populism, understood as an autocratic (re-)interpretation of democracy and representation, could be a particularly dangerous Trojan Horse for democracy. First and foremost, because its idea of a single, homogeneous and authentic people that can be legitimately represented only by the populist leader is a moralised form of antipluralism which is contrary to the pluralist approach of democracy (i.e. polyarchy). For precisely this reason, populism could play a key role in autocracies, especial in electoral autocracies which may use its core elements. Namely, the Manichean worldview, the image of a homogeneous people, people-centrism and the autocratic notion of representation are very compatible with electoral autocracies, since these regimes hold general elections and their power is built largely upon the alleged will of the people. By using populism, it is possible for these regimes to camouflage and even legitimise their autocratic trends and exercise of power behind the formally multi-party but not fair elections and democratic façade. As a radical turn towards closed autocracies (without de facto multiparty elections) would be too expensive, electoral autocrats need manipulated multi-party elections and other plebiscite techniques that could serve as quasi-democratic legitimation. Because of this, they tend to use the political logic of populism which could transform political contestation to a life- and- death struggle and provides quasi-democratic legitimation and other important cognitive functions. Therefore, populist electoral autocracies, as a paradigmatic type of electoral autocracies, could remain with us for a long time, giving more and more tasks to researchers, especially in the Central and Eastern European region.


2020 ◽  
pp. 24-33
Author(s):  
Yurii Bezzub

The article examines the public and personal relations of prominent figures of the Ukrainian national revival of the late XIX - early XX centuries Lesya Ukrainka and Borys Hrinchenko based on documents of personal origin (ego-documents), first of all Lesya Ukrainka's epistolary heritage. It is established that the preserved and published array of the poet's letters is an important source for covering their relations. It is proved that the use of epistolary contributes not only to the reproduction of facts, but also to a better understanding of the atmosphere of events and the conceptual understanding of the Ukrainian socio-political movement and its individual figures. The stages of development of the relationship between Lesya Ukrainka and Borys Hrinchenko are defined and characterized against the background of the author's individuality, her personal understanding and vision of the Ukrainian movement, attitude to the described people and events, as well as the circumstances of the social context.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 25-36
Author(s):  
Piotr Garncarek

Image changes of a man in the linguocultural spaceLinguistic sensitivity to the reality around us, particularly the one in the social dimension, is an intriguing research area. In the wake of the ever faster rushing world, the language tries to catch up in different ways, not always in its own way. It borrows, calques, phonetically assimilates the foreign lexicon; moreover, it creates neologisms, fabricates and inserts new, “author’s” words, expressions and phrases. The linguocultural space, implied as a special area, where the language is intertwined with the described culture of a society — ethnic, national or linguistic, should look forward to the change of its own denomination. Calling phenomena linguocultural indicates the succession from language to reality. It is rather “demanding” linguistically. If indeed we adopt the sequence of events, the space in question is essentially linguocultural. The language must catch up and name new situations, phenomena, artifacts rather than create the reality which is made up of them. The relationship is analysed in the article and illustrated by examples thematically related to the image changes of a man.


2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Hill ◽  
Laura Banks ◽  
Philip Haynes

Data from the International Social Survey Programme (2001) was used to analyse the social networks of older people and whether living in single person households increased the risk of isolation. When comparing respondents with one or more adult children, there was no significant difference in the likelihood of experiencing familial isolation between people living in single person households and those living in larger households. A majority of those living in single person households had at least regular contact with a sibling, adult child or close friend and participated in a social organisation. Friends compensate to some extent for a lack of support from the family, although in southern and eastern European countries, other relatives appeared to be more important in support networks. People living in single person households were more likely to experience isolation, but this was largely related to advanced age and childlessness. Whilst a very small minority in Japan were living in single person households, they were significantly more likely to be severely isolated than those living in single person households in other countries.


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