scholarly journals “Our Home - Russia” as the Movement of Bright Centrism (1995-1999)

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-420
Author(s):  
Artemiy A Stepanov
Keyword(s):  
Primary Sources ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Science Literature ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Genetic Method ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Regional Project ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Soviet Russia

The article deals with the political movement “Our Home - Russia” (NDR) as the first attempt of the creation of the “party of power” in post-soviet period. The aim of this work is to analyze the experience of the NDR and the reasons of the failure of this project. In the course of the study, the historical genetic method, M. Duverger’s partological analysis, and A. Gramsci’s theory were used. The author turned to the political science literature on parties and elections in the Russian Federation and used NDR’s materials and publications of federal mass media as primary sources. In 1995 the movement was created with the experience and the basis of the preceding pro-Kremlin project the “Democratic Choice of Russia” (DVR). Unlike the DVR, it was built on the B. Eltsin’s initiative who needed the support in the State Duma all the time. The prime minister V. Chernomyrdin headed this union and members of political and financial elite of federal and regional levels became its leaders. Despite their strength the movement did not become full-fledged «party of power» because of the communists` domination in the Duma and the lack of large electoral support. The «Our Home - Russia» like DVR could not make effective regional divisions and spread its influence among people masses. The inner split, weakness of Chernomyrdin’s figure and the absence of due president’s support were the causes of its fail in the parlamentary elections of 1999. Nevertheless, the NDR became the first centrist movement in post-Soviet Russia, which retained loyalty to the Kremlin to the end. The union worked out new forms, for example, drew public organizations to its side and for the first time used «name tactics» in the 1995 elections. These developments were useful in the creation of the next, much more successful pro-regional project - the «United Russia».

scholarly journals The history of the creation of lasers and analysis of the impact of their application in the material processing on the development of certain industries

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-149
Author(s):  
Artemii Bernatskyi ◽  
Vladyslav Khaskin
Keyword(s):  
Technological Progress ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Laser Technology ◽  
Genetic Method ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Stable Growth ◽  
Patent Wars ◽  
The Impact

The paper is devoted to the analysis of the history of the creation of the laser as one of the greatest technical inventions of the 20th century. This paper focuses on establishing a relation between the periodization of the stages of creation and implementation of certain types of lasers, with their influence on the invention of certain types of equipment and industrial technologies for processing the materials, the development of certain branches of the economy, and scientific-technological progress as a whole. In preparing the paper, the generally accepted methods, which are widely used in the preparation of historical research works, have been applied: the historical method – for the study and interpretation of the texts of primary sources and the search for other evidence used for research, as well as for the presentation of historical events associated with the development of laser technology; the historical-genetic method – for studying the genesis of specific historical phenomena and analyzing the causality of changes in the development of laser technology; the historical-critical method – for displaying cause-and-effect relationships, reconstructing events that influenced the development of laser technology; the method of historical periodization. The variety of different possible options for the use of lasers did not allow placing all the collected materials within the framework of one paper, and therefore, the authors have decided to dwell on the facts, which, in the opinion of the paper’s authors, are the most interesting, significant, poorly studied, and little known. The paper discusses the stages of: invention of the first laser; creation of the first commercial lasers; development of the first applications of lasers in industrial technologies for processing the materials. Special attention is paid to the “patent wars” that accompanied different stages of the creation of lasers. A comparative analysis of the market development for laser technology from the stage of creation to the present has been carried out. It has been shown that the modern market for laser technology continues to develop actively, as evidenced by the continued stable growth of laser sales over the past 10 years. This indicates that the demand for laser technology is inextricably linked with the development of high technology production and scientific-technological progress. The analysis has shown that recently, the trends in the use of laser technology have changed; in particular, their industrial and medical applications are decreasing, while there is an increase in their use in the fields of sensor production and communication.

scholarly journals „Wygrani” i „przegrani”. Analiza zmian poparcia uzyskanego przez radnych sejmików wojewódzkich kandydujących do parlamentu

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 37-58
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Dojwa-Turczyńska
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Social Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The World ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Recruitment And Selection

Problematyka kreacji instytucjonalnych elit władzy jest zagadnieniem, które absorbowało i nadal absorbuje przedstawicieli nauk społecznych. Procesy rekrutacji i selekcji, zdobywania poparcia społecznego i oddolnej legitymacji zdają się interesować nie tylko świat ludzi nauki, praktyków sfery politycznej, lecz także obywateli — wyborców. W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytania dotyczące udziału radnych sejmików województw wybranych w 2014 r. w wyborach parlamentarnych kolejnego roku. Zastanawiano się nad kwestią samej skali aktywności radnych, problemami ich związania lub nie z poszczególnym blokiem politycznym i z określonym terytorium, wreszcie analizie poddano zmiany dotyczące uzyskanego przez nich poparcia wyborczego. “Winners” and “losers.” Analysis of changes in the support received by provincial assembly councillors running for parliamentThe issues of the creation of institutional elites of the authorities constitute a problem that absorbs representatives of social sciences to this day. The processes of recruitment and selection, gaining social support and bottom-up legitimization seem to absorb not only the world of academics and practitioners of the political sphere but also citizens-electors. In this paper, an attempt has been made to give answers to questions concerning the participation of provincial assembly councillors elected in 2014 in the parliamentary elections held the following year. The issue of the scale of councillors’ activity, problems of their connection or its lack with a specific political bloc and specific territory have been considered, while the rest of the analysis refers to changes regarding the electoral support they gained.

“The Case of Two Boys,” Gender, and Justice in Late Soviet Russia

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 245-274
Author(s):  
Rhiannon Dowling
Keyword(s):  
Justice System ◽  
Young Men ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Bias ◽  
Education Levels ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Village Women ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Town

This article examines a criminal case from 1966–1969 concerning a crime that took place in 1965 in the town of Izmalkovo outside of Moscow. Two young men were charged and eventually acquitted for the rape and murder of their female classmate. Their trial drew the attention of jurists and journalists from the capital, as well as scrutiny from the highest judicial and party organs in addition to the ire of local villagers. Two accounts remain of the trial: one written in 1969 by a Moscow journalist, Olga Chaikovskaia, well-known for her writings on crime and law throughout the late Soviet period, and the other penned over a decade later by Dina Kaminskaia, one of the defense lawyers in the trial and later notorious for her advocacy on behalf of prominent dissidents. Both of these women, in describing their defense of the young men, employed gendered conceptions of justice and legality in order to criticize or condemn the Soviet justice system and its agents. And yet Kaminskaia’s and Chaikovskaia’s narratives reveal that, in spite of deep divisions between people from different classes, localities, and with disparate education levels, both urban intelligentsia elite women and the simple village women who heartily opposed them could still have a remarkable degree of faith in the criminal justice system well into the era of “stagnation.” What interested the women from the capital in this case was their perception that the highest organs of Soviet power were involved in these boys’ prosecution, and that their convictions were a foregone conclusion. What kept them coming back to Izmalkovo after repeated set-backs, was the hope that, with the right arguments and evidence, and in spite of the political bias working against them, that justice could nonetheless be achieved for the boys. On this count, they were correct.

IDEA POLITIK GERAKAN RADIKAL DAN KONSERVATIF DALAM PERJUANGAN KEMERDEKAAN TANAH MELAYU TAHUN 1946-1957

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
MOKHTARRUDIN AHMAD AHMAD
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Methods ◽  
Political Geography ◽  
National Archive ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Idea ◽  
British Colonial

AbstrakArtikel ini bermatlamat meneliti idea Gerakan Konservatif dan Radikal dalam perjuangan kemerdekaanTanah Melayu antara tahun 1946 hingga tahun 1957 yang melibatkan kedudukan raja Melayu, bahasaMelayu, ekonomi Melayu, kerakyatan Tanah Melayu, dan geografi politik. Setiap gerakan politik Melayumempunyai pandangan mereka tersendiri dalam memperjuangkan isu kepentingan Melayu ini.Perkarayang menjadi persoalan kajian ialah bagaimanakah idea ini diutarakan untuk kemerdekaan TanahMelayu? Adakah idea politik kedua-dua gerakan politik Melayu ini diterima pakai selepas KemerdekaanTanah Melayu? Bagi menjawab persoalan tersebut, kajian dilakukan berdasarkan tema sejarah politikyang menggunakan kaedah kualitatif dengan pendekatan analisis kandungan berdasarkan kepada duasumber iaitu sumber primer dan sekunder. Sumber primer diperoleh daripada Arkib Negara yang terdiridaripada surat perseorangan, fail pentadbiran penjajah British, majalah dan akhbar pada zaman tersebut.Sumber sekunder pula terdiri daripada jurnal, tesis dan buku.Hasil daripada penilaian yang dibuat ideaidea gerakan Radikal dan Konservatif telah memberi sumbangan yang besar kepada kemerdekaanTanah Melayu dan juga sebahagian idea-idea gerakan Konservatif dan Radikal diterima pakai dalamperlembagaan Tanah Melayu 1957   AbstractThis article aims to look into the Conservative and Radical Movements for the independence of Malayabetween 1946 and 1957 that had involved the status of Malay Kings, Malay language, Malay economics,Malayan citizenship, and political geography. Every Malay political movement reflectsits own views inthis important issue of Malaya people. Two questions are raised in this study for examples: How was theidea being emphasized for the independence of Malaya? Was the political idea of the two Malay politicalmovements being used after the independence of Malaya?To answer the questions, the study wasconducted based on the theme of historical politics that utilized qualitative methods combining with contentsanalytical approach indulging into the primary and secondary sources. Primary sources were obtainedfrom National Archive consisting of individual letters, British colonial administrative files, magazines andnewspapers during that era. Secondary sources were taken from journals, thesis and books. The resultsof the evaluation upon the two movements had contributed widely toward independence of Malaya, andsome ideas of the movements were adopted into the 1957 constitution of Malaya.

The Gaelic Athletic Association and Home Rule

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-74
Author(s):  
Freddy Pignon
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Total Separation ◽  
The Creation

When Michael Cusack founded the Gaelic Athletic Association in 1884, the political debate in Ireland was dominated by Home Rule. The creation of the GAA may have found inspiration in the growing nationalist movement led by Charles Stewart Parnell, but the Irish Parliamentary Party may also have been bolstered by the sporting organisation’s ideal of reviving the national identity through the preservation of its traditional games. The GAA undoubtedly conferred legitimacy on the political movement which peaked in December 1885 with a wide electoral success and then with the introduction of the first Home Rule Bill. But Home Rule did not exactly mean the same in sport as in politics. Even though Michael Cusack was not hostile to power sharing with the unionist leaders of existing athletic associations, the failure of his first attempts to democratise Irish sport led him to defend a more radical position implying total separation from his counterparts under British supervision. The Home Rule movement certainly benefited from the GAA’s nationalist and cultural stance to develop Irish consciousness. But the likelihood of self-government was compromised by the own image of the GAA’s administration whose sectarianism and internal disputes over its political nature could hardly convince unionists of their interest to agree with the principle of Home Rule.

Liberal emplacement

Focaal ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 2007 (49) ◽  
pp. 45-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Staffan Löfving
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Living Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Societal Transformation ◽  
Liberal Peace ◽  
Spatial Movement ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Meaning Of Home ◽  
Guerrilla Movement

This article is about the changing meaning of home among people engaged in the Guatemalan guerrilla movement. It shows that during the war, the revolutionary committed struggled for home more in terms of communal spheres of insurgent societal transformation than in terms of the defense or reconstruction of family or house. Though the counterinsurgency state was bent on their annihilation, it was only with the implementation of liberal peace that their commitment was ultimately destroyed. Most of them then opted for 'return' to their pre-war settlements and they gave up the political project of preserving their progressive civil organization. 'Home' under liberal peace in post-revolutionary Central America is continuously held together mainly by the migration of youth in search of opportunities elsewhere as hope for improved living conditions has become a question no longer of transforming but of leaving society in order to save oneself and/or one's household. The notion of liberal emplacement is brought forward in this article to conceptualize the destruction of political movement through the creation of an individualized necessity of spatial movement.

The Fizkul'tura Generation: Modernizing Lifestyles in Early Soviet Russia

2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-165
Author(s):  
Susan Grant
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Physical Culture ◽  
Soviet Culture ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Vital Element

AbstractThe creation of the New Soviet Person was a constant concern of the Bolsheviks and this concern manifested itself in physical culture as well as in other areas. The desire to sweep away the cobwebs of the old system and replace these with the new Soviet culture infected and infused the political, social and cultural discourse. Physical culture, as this paper shows, was a vital element in the overall attempt to help construct the new society and new person. By offering its people a lifestyle reflective of Soviet ideals, physical culture had the potential to help construct a new generation of Soviet citizens.

Chicherin, Boris Nikolaevich (1828–1904)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Hamburg
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Classical Liberalism ◽  
Individual Liberty ◽  
Public Figure ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Russian Version ◽  
Soviet Russia

Chicherin was a Russian liberal historian of law, a political and religious philosopher and a public figure, who briefly served as Moscow’s elected mayor (1882–3). Before the mid-1860s he advocated ‘conservative-liberalism’, his term for a partnership between strong central government and the educated public designed to promote civil rights and the rule of law. After 1866, he championed constitutional guarantees of individual liberty against state and societal interference, fashioning in the process a Russian version of ‘classical liberalism’. Chicherin was modern Russia’s most significant liberal thinker and one of its most influential philosophers in the Idealist tradition. He is still read today by Russian philosophers and historians of social thought. Moreover, his political ideas gained wide currency among the political elites in the late Soviet period and especially in post-Soviet Russia.

scholarly journals Historical, legal, ideological and political prerequisites for the formation and development of the institution of people’s control in the USSR

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-328
Author(s):  
Elena V. Berdnikova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Concept ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Historical Role ◽  
Three Stages ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Controversial Nature ◽  
Popular Control

Introduction. The controversial nature of most of the aspects related to the content and essence of people’s control, the assessment of its historical role and significance in the system of state administration of the Soviet period, the effectiveness of legal regulation and the political problems of its implementation still arouses a genuine interest of the scientific community in the study of this phenomenon. Theoretical analysis. People’s control in the USSR was both a developed ideological and political concept and a real political and legal institution. The founder of the concept of people’s control was V. I. Lenin, who, in his numerous works, described a clear justification of its relevance in the conditions of socialist democracy. Empirical analysis. It was revealed that the process of development of the institution of people’s control in Soviet Russia was largely influenced by the worldview of the country’s top leadership, which demonstrated polymorphism of opinions on the role and significance of popular control in the system of socialist governance. There are three stages of formation and functioning of the system of people’s control in Soviet Russia, which had their organizational and institutional features. Results. The study of the ideological, political and historical and legal prerequisites for formation of popular control led to the conclusion that popular control was a specific institution characteristic of the socialist type of government. It passed a rather difficult historical path: from workers’ control in the first years of Soviet power to a very complex organizational and institutional system of state and public control in the last decades of the existence of the USSR.

Translation and Transformation: English-Language Children's Literature in (Soviet) Russian Guise

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Inggs
Keyword(s):  
Children's Literature ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
English Language ◽  
Children’S Literature ◽  
Socialist Realism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Philosophy Of Action ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Free Translation ◽  
Soviet Russia

This article investigates the perceived image of English-language children's literature in Soviet Russia. Framed by Even-Zohar's polysystem theory and Bourdieu's philosophy of action, the discussion takes into account the ideological constraints of the practice of translation and the manipulation of texts. Several factors involved in creating the perceived character of a body of literature are identified, such as the requirements of socialist realism, publishing practices in the Soviet Union, the tradition of free translation and accessibility in the translation of children's literature. This study explores these factors and, with reference to selected examples, illustrates how the political and sociological climate of translation in the Soviet Union influenced the translation practices and the field of translated children's literature, creating a particular image of English-language children's literature in (Soviet) Russia.

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