Migration governance in Slovakia during the COVID-19 crisis

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-338
Author(s):  
Andrej Privara ◽  
Eva Rievajová

Foreign-born population in Slovakia has been growing steadily over recent years. Since 2018, foreigners from the so-called third countries have become dominant within the immigrant population. The migration crisis due to the Pandemic seems not affected the patterns of migration to Slovakia. We would argue that the need in Slovakia‘s domestic labour market affected immigration flows more than anything else. Before the outbreak of the COVID-19 Pandemic, due to emigration flows, there was a shortage of labour in the country. However, as a result of the restrictive measures taken by the government in response to the Pandemic, changes are taking place, which also has an impact on the employment of foreigners. During the Pandemic, several laws regulating the legal status of foreigners in the Slovak Republic have been amended. This article focuses on the legislative developments in shaping the Slovak migration policy in the near future.

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 506-516
Author(s):  
Oleg V. Okhoshin

The article discusses political course of the conservative governments of the UK regarding migration legislation reforms in the context of such challenges of globalization as the European migration crisis of 2015 and Brexit. The analysis of evolution of the conceptual foundations of British migration policy allows us to conclude that the conservatives, since they came to power in 2010, continue to follow the tradition of tightening the rules for entry and residence of foreign citizens, which emerged under the government of G. Macmillan in the 1960s. The key difference in the 21st century is the change in the vector of the restrictive measures used by the conservatives against uncontrolled migration from the EU and third world countries, with particular focus on strengthening administrative supervision of foreigners arriving in the UK for employment or reunification with relatives. The British approach to migration control remained stricter than in many EU countries and was especially tightened due to Brexit, because the government was afraid of a massive influx of low-skilled migrants who would overwhelm the labor market and leave British citizens jobless. At the same time, it was necessary to remove the high burden on the state budget and social services that could not cope with the increase in the level of net migration. There was a sharp transition from the ideology of multiculturalism to the practical application of the concept of hostile environment proposed by T. May, which forced immigrants to leave the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 93-111
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Puzyniak

Położenie mniejszości narodowych na terenie Republiki Słowackiej regulują liczne akty prawne. Wśród nich znajdują się dokumenty przyjmowane na gruncie krajowym oraz rozwiązania o charakterze międzynarodowym. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie treści najważniejszych ustaw oraz dokumentów, które wpływają na położenie mniejszości narodowych na Słowacji, a także przybliżenie reakcji organizacji międzynarodowych na wprowadzane przez Bratysławę regulacje prawne. The legal status of national minorities in the Slovak Republic The location of national minorities in the territory of the Slovak Republic is regulated by numerous national acts, the most important of which are the constitution, the law on the use of national minority languages and the law on the state language. References to national minorities can be found in many other acts, such as the Act on counteracting discrimination, the Act on Upbringing and Education and the Act on Radio and Television. The issue of minorities is also raised in bilateral agreements, an example of which is the agreement on good neighbourliness and friendly cooperation between the Slovak Republic and the Republic of Hungary. The legal situation of minorities in Slovakia is also influenced by international organizations to which Bratislava belongs. In this case, the Council of Europe’s most significant influence, the European Union, the Central European Initiative and the United Nations. Over the years, the Slovak authorities have also created institutions responsible for activities for national minorities, and among them, an important function is performed by the Government Plenipotentiary of the Slovak Republic for National Minorities. This article aims to analyse the legal acts and institutions regulating the legal status of national minorities in Slovakia. The publication is also intended to show that the issue of minorities is covered in many legal solutions, and the Slovak authorities have developed a system of protection and support for this community over the years. The author used the institutional and legal method.


Russian judge ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 46-50
Author(s):  
Ilya S. Iksanov ◽  

Italy became a country of immigration quite late. external factors influenced the formation of Italy’s migration policy: the expansion of regional integration within the European community and accession to international conventions. The legislation on citizenship reacted to these changes. In particular, access to citizenship was made more difficult for foreigners from countries that were not part of the European community, and it was easier for descendants of emigrants who lived abroad to acquire citizenship. Italy has one of the most modern laws on the status of foreigners, which regulates all aspects of the legal status of these persons, as well as their social adaptation, and provides for the necessary measures to prevent discrimination and xenophobia. The provisions of this act may change in the event of a change in the government coalition, but the basic approaches are unchanged: citizens of other States are considered as part of the population of Italy; foreigners who reside in the country legally are equal to its citizens; illegal migrants are legally guaranteed a certain minimum of rights and freedoms.


Author(s):  
A. S. Ogienko ◽  
L. B. Proskuriakova

The article examines the features of administrative and legal coercion in the field of migration. It provides an analysis of regulatory legal acts in which the function of migration control is assigned to the internal affairs bodies and measures to prevent and reduce uncontrolled migration are determined. A special place is occupied by the directions of improving public administration in the field of migration policy.Analysis of constant changes in the legal status of "migration" units, when they then raised their status to a federal service, first subordinate to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, then to an independent federal service subordinate to the Government of the Russian Federation, then they returned to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, but now to the level the usual structural divisions of the ministry showed that these decisions were erroneous. The abolition of the Federal Migration Service in 2016 and the transfer of its functions to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia entailed fundamental institutional changes, which reflects a stable pattern in the prevalence of administrative and legal coercion measures in public administration, does not contribute to an increase in the efficiency of public administration in the field of migration, complicates problems of implementing the functions of social adaptation and integration of migrants, which the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia is unable to effectively implement.


Author(s):  
P. P. Timofeyev

The paper examines the impact of the migration crisis in the EU on the European Union's relations with Turkey. It is shown that for a number of reasons, including a result of EU actions taken from 2011 to 2015, EU has experienced an influx of migrants on a number of routes from the Western to the Eastern Mediterranean. The largest of them fell on Turkey, which has tried to use this factor to exert pressure on the EU in order to obtain economic and political preferences. The author examines the development of the EU migration policy in the context of the crisis, its trying to bring Turkey to cooperate and difficult negotiations, which took place at the summits of the EU-Turkey at the end of 2015. There have been disagreements among the EU countries, and the time factor, which Turkey took advantage of, advancing conditions for the closure of borders to Europe for migrants. Facing the influx of migrants the EU had to agree with a number of conditions, though not with all. The author shows that the agreement reached by the country in March 2016 is not universal, and a number of issues important to the resolution of the crisis, are waiting to be decided upon. However, according to the author, the development of the current crisis can lead both to the reform of the migration and border policy within the EU, and to restarting relations with Turkey. Though guessing on possibilities on Turkey's entry to the EU in the near future is still premature.


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-32
Author(s):  
Philip L. Martin ◽  
Martin Ruhs

The independent Migration Advisory Committee (MAC) was created in 2007 after a decade in which the share of foreign-born workers in the British labour force doubled to 13 per cent. The initial core mandate of the MAC was to provide “independent, evidence-based advice to government on specific skilled occupations in the labour market where shortages exist which can sensibly be filled by migration.” The MAC's answers to these 3-S questions, viz, is the occupation for which employers are requesting foreign workers skilled, are there labour shortages, and is admitting foreign workers a sensible response, have improved the quality of the debate over the “need” for foreign workers in the UK by highlighting some of the important trade-offs inherent in migration policy making. The MAC can clarify migration trade-offs in labour immigration policy, but cannot decide the ultimately political questions about whose interests should be prioritised and how competing policy objectives should be balanced.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip L. Martin

Agriculture has one of the highest shares of foreign-born and unauthorized workers among US industries; over three-fourths of hired farm workers were born abroad, usually in Mexico, and over half of all farm workers are unauthorized. Farm employers are among the few to openly acknowledge their dependence on migrant and unauthorized workers, and they oppose efforts to reduce unauthorized migration unless the government legalizes currently illegal farm workers or provides easy access to legal guest workers. The effects of migrants on agricultural competitiveness are mixed. On the one hand, wages held down by migrants keep labour-intensive commodities competitive in the short run, but the fact that most labour-intensive commodities are shipped long distances means that long-run US competitiveness may be eroded as US farmers have fewer incentives to develop labour-saving and productivity-improving methods of farming and production in lower-wage countries expands.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristoffer Jutvik ◽  
Darrel Robinson

Abstract Whether refugees in need of protection should be granted long- or short-term residence permits in the host country upon arrival is a long-standing debate in the migration policy and scholarly literature. Rights-based models of inclusion advocate for secure and long-term residency status arguing that this will provide the foundations for successful inclusion. Responsibilities-based models on the other hand claim that migrants should only be granted such status if certain criteria, such as full-time employment, have been met, again under the belief that such a system will facilitate inclusion into the host society. Using a sudden policy change as a natural experiment combined with detailed Swedish registry data, we examine the effect permanent residency on three measures of labour market inclusion in the short-term. Our findings are twofold. On the one hand, we find that temporary residents that are subject to a relatively less-inclusive situation have higher incomes and less unemployment. However, at the same time, they are less likely to spend time in education than are those with permanent residency. First part title Permanent or Temporary Settlement? Second part title A Study on the Short-Term Effects of Temporary and Permanent Residence Permits on Labour Market Participation


2018 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 109-133
Author(s):  
Senem Aydın-Düzgit ◽  
Evren Balta

AbstractThis article aims to explore the views of the Turkish elite on the state of polarization in Turkey. By identifying four political frames—namely, harmony, continuity/decline, conspiracy, and conflict—that selected Turkish political and civil society elites use in discussing the phenomenon of polarization in the country through their contributions to a workshop and in-depth qualitative interviews, the article finds that there is a considerable degree of polarization among the Turkish elite regarding their views on the presence of polarization in Turkey. Moreover, this overlaps with the divide between the government and the opposition in the country. An analysis of the justificatory arguments employed in constituting the aforementioned frames shows that, while those elites who deny the existence of polarization seek its absence in essentialist characteristics of society, in reductionist comparisons with history, or in internal/external enemies, those who acknowledge polarization’s presence look for its roots in political and institutional factors and processes. The article highlights how, given the denial of polarization by the pro-government elite and the substantial gap between the two camps’ justificatory narratives, the currently reported high rates of polarization in Turkey can, at best, be expected to remain as is in the near future, barring a radical change in political constellations.


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