Dancing Right(s): Dance, Disability and Legal Empowerment in Post-War Sri Lanka

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Hetty Blades
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Legal Empowerment ◽  
Disabled People ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
The Public ◽  
Social Trauma ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Post War ◽  
Tamil Women

Sri Lanka's long civil war (1983-2009) resulted in large-scale personal, physical and social trauma. It led to a large number of deaths and many people became disabled due to the war. Disabled people in Sri Lanka are often marginalized and excluded from the public sphere. Whilst there are initiatives to support disabled people from both the State and Non- Governmental Organisations, support often adopts a charity-based approach which has been criticised for contributing to marginalisation and the dependency of disabled people on other people and organisations. Performing Empowerment (2016-18) was a research project that responded to this context by seeking to examine whether combining dance workshops with human rights education might lead to greater legal empowerment for disabled people in Sri Lanka. In this paper, I reflect on the experiences of five Tamil women who took part in the project, outlining how they gained confidence and rights awareness which enabled them to self-advocate and make changes to their everyday lives, demonstrating increased legal empowerment. I argue that this change arose in part through different forms of performance that they experienced within the workshops, which enabled a series of transportations from their daily lives.

Sex in the City that Peter Built: The Demimonde and Sociability in Mid-Eighteenth Century St. Petersburg

Slavic Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 907-930
Author(s):  
Igor Fedyukin
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Reading Public ◽  
Associational Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The City

This article uses the materials of the Drezdensha affair, a large-scale investigation of “indecency” in St. Petersburg in 1750, to explore unofficial sociability among the Imperial elite, and to map out the institutional, social, and economic dimensions of the post-Petrine “sexual underworld.” Sociability and, ultimately, the public sphere in eighteenth century Russia are usually associated with loftier practices, with joining the ranks of the reading public, reflecting on the public good, and generally, becoming more civil and polite. Yet, it is the privately-run, commercially-oriented, and sexually-charged “parties” at the focus of this article that arguably served as a “training ground” for developing the habits of sociability. The world of these “parties” provides a missing link between the debauchery and carousing of Peter I's era and the more polite formats of associational life in the late eighteenth century, as well as the historical context for reflections on morality, sexual licentiousness, foppery, and the excesses of “westernization.”

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Olivier Roy
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Christian Identity ◽  
Binary Opposition ◽  
The Public ◽  
European Culture ◽  
Cultural Terms ◽  
Treaty Of Rome ◽  
The Public Sphere

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the debate over Europe's Christian identity. Since the Treaty of Rome, there have been two significant developments for Christianity in Europe. First, secularization has given way to the large-scale dechristianization of European societies in both religious and cultural terms, especially from the protests of 1968 onwards. Second, Islam has arrived in Europe, through immigration and, with Turkey's application for membership of the EU, the proposed expansion of the continent's borders. Thus, the debate over Europe's Christian identity does not rest on a binary opposition between Europe and Islam, but on a triangle whose three poles are: (1) the Christian religion; (2) Europe's secular values (even if they occasionally make reference to a Christian identity); (3) Islam as a religion. However, the debate over Islam are much deeper questions about the very nature of Europe and its relationship to religion in general. The notion that Europe would be fine if only Islam or immigration did not exist is, of course, an illusion. There is a serious crisis surrounding European identity and the place of religion in the public sphere, as can be seen both in Christian radicalization over the issues of abortion and same-sex marriage, and in secular radicalization over religious slaughter and circumcision. This is nothing short of a crisis in European culture.

scholarly journals The Persistence of National Victimhood: Bosniak Post-War Memory Politics of the Srebrenica Mass Killings

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Rawski
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Reference Groups ◽  
Memory Politics ◽  
War Memory ◽  
The Public ◽  
Relevant Reference ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Post War ◽  
Mass Killings

The Persistence of National Victimhood: Bosniak Post-War Memory Politics of the Srebrenica Mass KillingsThis article reveals the origins of the radicalisation of memory politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the year 2010. It shows that the radicalisation in the public sphere of Bosnia and Herzegovina was eventually possible due to the long-term persistence of the nationalist commemorative strategy, rooted in the dialectic mechanism of consolidating and antagonising relevant reference groups, and responsible for structuring the national memories of the last war according to an exclusivist martyrological model. Based on the example of Bosniak post-war memory politics regarding the Srebrenica mass killings, the study describes a more universal political mechanism, one characteristic also of the post-war Bosnian Serb and Bosnian Croat nationalist factions. Trwałość martyrologii narodowej. Boszniacka powojenna polityka pamięci o masowych morderstwach w SrebrenicyArtykuł odsłania źródła radykalizacji polityki pamięci w Bośni i Hercegowinie po 2010 roku. Pokazuje, że radykalizacja ta była możliwa dzięki długotrwałemu utrzymywaniu się w sferze publicznej Bośni i Hercegowiny nacjonalistycznej strategii komemoratywnej, która była odpowiedzialna za strukturyzację narodowej pamięci o ostatniej wojnie według ekskluzywistycznego modelu martyrologicznego oraz zakorzeniona w dialektycznym mechanizmie konsolidacji i antagonizowania odpowiednich grup odniesienia. Na przykładzie powojennej boszniackiej polityki pamięci dotyczącej masowych morderstw w Srebrenicy opisany został bardziej uniwersalny mechanizm polityczny, charakterystyczny także dla powojennych polityk pamięci prowadzonych przez nacjonalistyczne elity bośniackich Serbów i bośniackich Chorwatów.

The Dewey-Lippmann Debate Today: Communication Distortions, Reflective Agency, and Participatory Democracy

2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Whipple
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Social Theory ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The Public ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Advanced Capitalism ◽  
Current Context ◽  
The Public Sphere

In this article, I introduce the Dewey-Lippmann democracy debate of the 1920s as a vehicle for considering how social theory can enhance the empirical viability of participatory democratic theory within the current context of advanced capitalism. I situate within this broad theoretical framework the theories of Habermas and Dewey. In the process, I argue (a) that while Dewey largely failed to reconcile his democratic ideal with the empirical constraint of large-scale organizations, Habermas, in particular his work on the public sphere, provides an important starting point for considering the state of public participation within the communication distortions of advanced capitalism; (b) that to fully understand the relation between communication distortions and public participation, social theorists must look beyond Habermas and return to Dewey to mobilize his bi-level view of habitual and reflective human agency; and, finally, (c) that the perspective of a Deweyan political theory of reflective agency best furthers our understanding of potential communication distortions and public participation, particularly in the empirical spaces of media centralization and intellectual property rights.

The joys and sorrows of a start-up’s interactions with the public sphere: a case from medical technology

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 267-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sofia Wagrell ◽  
Enrico Baraldi
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Health Care Policy ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Public ◽  
Development Partner ◽  
Start Up ◽  
Managerial Implications ◽  
The Public Sphere

Purpose This paper aims to address the crucial interactions that a start-up enacts with actors from the public sphere in a context of medical technologies. The public actor commonly plays multiple roles, ranging from co-developers and financiers to large-scale users, which are all pivotal to the development and survival of the new venture. The paper investigates the possible “dark sides” of a start-up’s marriage with a public partner, departing from three specific roles the public sphere can assume in relation to a start-up: as a development partner, as a financer and as a customer. Design/methodology/approach The study builds on an in-depth empirical case study of a Swedish med-tech startup company. Findings The authors find the financing role to be least problematic, whereas the customer role is the most problematic in that it provides numerous barriers to the possible development and growth of a start-up firm striving to get new customers in a public setting. Examples of the most prominent barriers found are regulations, complex decision-making processes and assessment elements of med-tech products that are outside the control of the startup firm, hence issues that cannot be handled within inter-organizational relationships. Originality/value The study builds on 27 in-depth interviews, which were undertaken during 2005-2013, thus contributing detailed data about a start-up’s many and crucial interactions with different public actors. Departing from three different roles, a public partner can adopt in relation to a start-up, (development, co-financer and customer) provides results with managerial implications for start-up’s and policy implications for health-care policy.

Women in the Public Sphere

Making Icons ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Coates
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Positive Affect ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Young Women ◽  
The Public ◽  
Modern Girl ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Post War

Chapter 5 analyses positive motifs related to hope and healing in the characterization of nurse and schoolteacher roles. This positive affect contrasts with the threatening representation of young women in the public sphere embodied by the ‘modern girl,’ or moga character. The second part of this chapter contextualizes this post-war character in relation to the pre-war moga, making a case for the post-war gangsters molls played by Mihara Yōko as a post-war equivalent. Case studies include One Wonderful Sunday (Subarashiki nichiyōbi, Kurosawa Akira, 1947), Drunken Angel (Yoidore tenshi, Kurosawa Akira, 1948), Twenty Four Eyes (Nijushi no hitomi, Kinoshita Keisuke, 1954), and the Line series (Ishii Teruo, 1958-1961).

Churchill, women and the politics of gender

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Toye
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Woman Question ◽  
World War ◽  
Equal Pay ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Post War

This chapter investigates how Churchill related to women at the political level, and how women voters in turn related to him. Churchill had a blurred Conservative-Liberal identity, and this affected his approach to ‘the woman question’. Hostile to female enfranchisement at the start of his career, he became a reluctant convert during his Edwardian Liberal phase, provided that it could be done in such a way as to benefit his own party electorally. As a renegade Tory during the 1930s he drew on the services of a range of female anti-appeasers such as Shiela Grant Duff. During World War II, however, he controversially opposed equal pay for women teachers. It is well-established that, in the post-war years, the Conservative Party benefitted from its gendered approach to rationing and austerity, Churchill himself did little to appeal explicitly to women voters. Although he did accept a role for a limited number of ‘exceptional’ women in the public sphere, he was never an enthusiast for substantive gender equality.

Are Digital Technologies Transforming Humanity and Making Politics Impossible?

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 209-223
Author(s):  
Jonathan O. Chimakonam ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Digital Technologies ◽  
Social Identities ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Digital Space ◽  
The People ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Digital Identities

My question in this paper is whether digital technologies transform humanity and make politics impossible. Digital technologies, no doubt, are revolutionary. But I argue that what they have done in the Post-Cold War era are: (1) to further contract the spaces between politicians and the people; (2) transform actors from subjects to objects, such that we may in addition to social identities, talk about digital identities; (3) relocate the public sphere from squares to ilosphere where individuals are granted enormous expressive powers but at the same time become vulnerable to large scale manipulations; (4) and escalate the tools of politics. My argument will be that digital technologies in a subtle way are transforming humanity in the digital space and that this might have costly moral consequences not only in politics generally but specifically in liberal democracy. However, I will contend that this transformation of humanity does not make politics impossible; it only escalates it with troubling consequences like those we saw in the 2016 American presidential election.

Living Underground: Bomb Shelters and Daily Lives in Wartime Chongqing (1937–1945)

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-399
Author(s):  
Tan Gang
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Natural Environment ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
The Public ◽  
Class Differences ◽  
New Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Micro Level

Because of Japan’s large-scale aerial bombing of Chongqing and the surrounding mountainous natural environment during the Anti-Japanese War, shelters became important places where the residents of wartime Chongqing evaded attacks by Japanese planes. In addition, the differences between the public and private bomb shelter facilities reflected the high and low, noble and humble people in the shelters, indicating the social class differences in wartime Chongqing. Shelters, especially public shelters, also provided places for socializing, recreation, and they had political and economic functions. Thus, bomb shelters became new public living spaces. Living in bomb shelters also became an important component of the daily lives of the residents in wartime Chongqing. Discussing their daily lives in the shelter allows us to not only understand and know the diversity and complexity of the daily lives of Chongqing’s wartime citizens but also reveals the significant impact of the all-encompassing invasion waged by Japan at the micro level.

The Catholic and the Communist Women's Press in Post-War Italy—An Analysis of Cronache and Noi Donne

Modern Italy ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Rothenberg
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Feminist Movement ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Women's Press ◽  
Gradual Development ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Post War ◽  
Women's Role

This article aims to provide a systematic, comparative analysis of two of the main women's mass publications in order to trace continuities and changes in the development of women's role in the public sphere in Italy. The analysis begins with an elaboration of the social and political context, which is crucial for the understanding of media texts in general. It shows how the existence of only limited political spaces in post-war Italian society due to the polarisation of Catholicism and communism delayed both an open political discourse on women's conditions and the gradual development of an autonomous and lay feminist movement. Noi Donne of Union Donne Italiene (UDI) was closely aligned with and financed by the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and lacked any substantial autonomy until the early 1970s, while Cronache of the Catholic women's organisation Centro Italiano Femminile (CIF) was a faithful instrument for the propagation of those Catholic concepts of femininity that were redefined and reinforced by the Vatican in the Catholic publication Civiltà Cattolica.

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