Elders and ‘Frauds’: Commodified Expertise and Politicized Authenticity Among Mijikenda

Africa ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 79 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet McIntosh

Among Mijikenda of the Kenya coast, the male Kaya elders (azhere a Kaya) – custodians of sacred spaces and customary knowledge – traditionally undergo years of secretive ritual training and tribulation in order to accrue both expertise and seniority. Over the past few years, however, a series of scandals have fragmented this group, casting them into the national spotlight while fomenting debates about the nature of elders’ expertise. In the ethnically fraught context of Kenyan politics, politicians of Mijikenda and of other ethnic backgrounds have sought out and paid Kaya elders for ritual ‘anointing’ or ‘blessing’ in order to win Mijikenda allegiance in their political campaigns. As public cynicism toward these events has mounted and elders have traded barbed accusations of fraudulence, much discourse has revolved around an idealized and nostalgic model of the kind of expertise considered to be under threat. I discuss the roles of morality, secrecy and ethnic identity in this model, suggesting that these ways of thinking about expertise are not merely reflections of ‘tradition’ but also emergent from presentist struggles for elders’ personal power and for the collective identity of Mijikenda.

Sociologija ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 314-338
Author(s):  
Nemanja Kostic

From the sociological-historical perspective, this article deals with questioning the adequacy of frequently appearing nationalistic standpoints about the continuous, centuries-old maintaining of ethnoreligious boundaries, often set by emphasizing important symbols of collective identity, whose social function is reflected in creating everlasting, sturdy and unquestionable differences between nations. This problem has been investigated by studying the symbolism of St. Sava in cases of Serbo-Croatian, Serbo-Bosniac and Serbo-Montenegrin ethnoreligious dichotomization. By applying the combination of ethno-symbolist and interactionist approaches to the phenomena of nation and nationalism, this article compares the premodern and modern historical context of this process in the mentioned cases. As opposed to the aforementioned nationalistic beliefs, the results of the study have shown that St. Sava could have become a prominent symbol of ethnoreligious division only in modern times, precisely by means of nationalistic instrumentalisation. Namely, sociohistorical conditions of the premodern era, where ethnic identity did not have the same role and strength often ascribed to it today, initiated the birth of different attitudes towards this saint by various groups and individuals, at the same time displaying the permeability and the unstable character of ethnic boundaries in the past.


Author(s):  
Costas Panagopoulos

Over the past few decades, a fundamental shift in political campaign strategy has been afoot in U.S. elections: Political campaigns have been gradually shifting their attention away from swing voters toward their respective, partisan bases. Independents and weak partisans have been targeted with less frequency, and the emphasis in contemporary elections has been on strong partisans. This book documents this shift—away from persuasion toward base mobilization—in the context of U.S. presidential elections and explains that this phenomenon is likely linked to several developments, including advances in campaign technology and voter-targeting capabilities as well as insights from behavioral social science focusing on voter mobilization. The analyses show the 2000 presidential election represents a watershed cycle that punctuated this shift. The book also explores the implications of the shift toward base mobilization and links these developments to growing turnout rates for strong partisans and attenuating participation among independents or swing voters over time. The book concludes these patterns have contributed to heightened partisan polarization in the United States.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hsin-Chen Lin

This paper examines the relationship between political candidates' use of Facebook and their election outcomes (vote share and election success). The use of social media in political marketing campaigns has grown dramatically over the past few years. It is also expected to become even more critical to future political campaigns, as it creates two-way communication and engagement that stimulates and fosters candidates' relationships with their supporters. Online Facebook data were acquired for all 84 candidates running in a municipal election in Taiwan. Results suggest that a candidate's Facebook presence, the type of account they use, the authentication of the account, and the number of online fans they have are related to their election outcomes.


2000 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-40
Author(s):  
Deborah L. Wheeler

For the Past Five Decades, media texts, broadcast over television air waves, have created a shared identity among viewing audiences. John B. Thompson notes that if culture is understood as “the ways in which meaningful expressions of various kinds are produced, constructed and received by individuals”, then mass media can be understood as central to the creation and maintenance of culture (pp. 122-23). The words and images that construct a media culture are the very building blocks of collective identity. As Michael Schudson observes, “news is part of the background through which and with which people think” (p. 16).


2019 ◽  
pp. 313-325
Author(s):  
Borislav Grozdic ◽  
Valerija Dabetic

In the aggressive dominance of critical rational thinking over the mythical worldview, myth as a historical and effective force does not lose its actuality and importance, because myths often hide deeper messages than what history can offer. In such a social context, the significance of the spiritual message of the Kosovo myth - the commitment to the Heavenly Kingdom, as a lasting common value of the Serbian people, returns as a theme. In spite of its omnipresence, the opinion prevails that the myth belongs to the past, and if it is not yet obsolete, it certainly should be. The authors advocate the idea that myth, as a comprehensive experience of the world, and therefore the Kosovo myth as well, is a factor of national integration, a part of collective identity, and a common value system. Analysing the secular and spiritual understanding of the Kosovo myth, the authors point out the importance of the vivid memory of the prince Lazar?s commitment to the Heavenly Kingdom. For Christians, this represents the value and goal above all others and it forms the core of the Serbian historical consciousness and spiritual community. The paper shows that the spiritual message of the Kosovo myth is not understood or it is misunderstood nowadays, since the commitment to Kosovo is perceived as a call and an obligation to die for it. The authors conclude that the Kosovo myth is not a call to die in the war, on the contrary, it is a struggle for external and internal freedom, as well as for the highest values that are implied by the definition of the Heavenly Kingdom ? peace, love, honour, justice, dignity, and others.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moin Syed

The purpose of this chapter is to showcase how narrative, or the stories that people tell about their experiences, is a useful theoretical and methodological tool for understanding ethnic identity development. Over the past two decades, research on ethnic identity development has primarily relied on quantitative, rating-scale instruments (Phinney, 1992; Sellers et al., 1998). While this methodology has contributed to a strong knowledge base regarding the correlates and developmental course of ethnic identity (Quintana, 2007), what has been lacking is an analysis of the lived experiences that constitute one’s ethnic identity and contribute to its development. To this end, the chapter includes a synthesis of published and ongoing studies to illustrate how a narrative approach can contribute to theoretical issues of major importance to the study of ethnic identity: how ethnic identity develops, the role of context in development, and the dimensionality of ethnic identity. These examples highlight the close connection between method and theory, as well as how narrative research can inform subsequent survey-based work.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Sylwia Czachór

Generational differences in artistic representations of the experience of totalitarian past in the new Czech theatre. The article presents an analysis of a number of Czech performances from the years 2007–2013 on the topic of the communist era and reflecting on the changes that have occurred over the past 25 years. Selected directors belong to three generations of artists: the ones already creating in the 1960s, the ones debuting just before or just after the Velvet Revolution and the ones beginning their career in 2000. The comparison of performances produced within a short time clearly shows the differences, both aesthetic and ideological, in the method of recognizing similar issues by the authors growing up in a completely different socio-political conditions. Works of the oldest generation, using conventional theatrical means, reveal the strongest judgmental tendencies, the need to show the ambiguous choices in black and white colors. The average generation contend with the legend of past years, asking difficult questions about the impact of the past on the shape of collective identity. The youngest generation, however, intentionally emphasize that their knowledge about communism is mediated, which encourages them to analyze the history and memory of their families in search of their own roots.Generační rozdíly v uměleckém zobrazování zkušenosti totalitární minulosti v nejnovějším českém divadle. Příspěvek obsahuje analýzu několika českých představení z let 2007–2013, jejichž tématem se stalo období komunismu a reflexe nad proměnami posledních 25 let. Vybraní režiséři patří ke třem generacím umělců:  jedni inscenovali dlouho před rokem 1989, druzí debutovali krátce po sametové revoluci, zatímco třetí zahájili kariéru v roce 2000. Soubor představení vzniklých v malém časovém rozpětí výrazně ukazuje jak estetické, tak světonázorové rozdíly ve způsobu uchopení podobné tematiky autory, kteří vyrůstali ve zcela odlišných společensko-politických podmínkách. Díla nejstarší generace pomocí konvenčních divadelních prostředků projevují nejsilnější tendence posuzovat a odsuzovat, nutnost ukázat nejednoznačné volby v černo-bílých barvách. Střední generace se poměřuje s legendami mi­nulých dob, pokládá obtížné otázky po vlivu minulosti na podobu kolektivní identity. Nejmladší tvůrci pak vědomě zdůrazňují, že jejich znalost komunismu je zprostředkovaná, což je vede k analyzování historie a rodinné paměti při hledání vlastních kořenů.  


1954 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 465-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elston E. Roady

Efforts by various states to regulate effectively the use of money in political campaigns have heretofore left ample loopholes for determined politicians. Florida has attempted to plug the loopholes with a revised election code which has become popularly known as “The Who Gave It—Who Got It Law.” Informed political observers in the Sunshine State are in agreement that in the 1952 Democratic gubernatorial primaries the new law gave an accurate accounting of monies.Florida, like other states, has a number of economic interests which in the past have been associated with unreported contributions and expenditures in political campaigns, notably racing (both horse and dog), liquor, and corporations holding public utility franchises. By early 1951, Floridians, having had more than a fair share of adverse publicity concerning tie-ins between gangsters and politicians, were eager to guard against such tie-ins in the future. The Florida voter felt that the existing law did not effectively regulate campaign financing, and demanded effective regulation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Alvin Hoi-Chun Hung

Abstract This paper analyses how the legal consciousness of Chinese enterprise managers has transformed in the face of drastic changes brought along by major events in socialist China. During the past 70 years, there have been in place a series of radical and pervasive changes in the legal framework constituted by a communist system frequented by mass political campaigns, trailed by a massive liberalized move towards a market economy. By building upon the thesis of legal-consciousness narratives suggested by Ewick and Silbey, this paper discusses how Chinese managers have evolved through various states of “With the Law,” “Against the Law,” and “Under the Law” legal consciousness. It is suggested that, in the coming era of globalization under socialist China, Chinese enterprise managers may start to embrace a new narrative of legal consciousness—“In the Law”—by participating more actively in the socialist system with Chinese characteristics.


2021 ◽  
Vol - (2) ◽  
pp. 142-164
Author(s):  
Roman Zimovets

When we talk about historical revisionism, negative connotations as a rule are prevailing. Prohibition of revision of certain historical interpretation and assessment is one of the tasks of historical policy which is carried out by adopting so-called «memorial laws». Taking care of the formation of the desired representations of the past (narratives) is directly related to the interests of institutionalized power in its own stabilization and strengthening. Power is a function of the community, whose identity is formed historically. Consolidation of collective identity through the support and reproduction of common representations of the past is one of the tools to strengthen power. At the same time, the very nature of human experience acquisition which is permanent mediation of the horizon of the past and the present, presuppose a reinterpretation of this past. Major shifts in the experience of generations, which occur as a result of certain social changes, lead to a new look at the past of the community. In this sense, rethinking and rewriting history becomes necessary to clarify, update, rationalize the collective identity, which is problematized by new experience. Historical policy can both respond to this need for identity transformation through re- thinking representations of one’s own past and come into conflict with it. In the latter case, the narratives transferring by institutional power begin to conflict with the communicative memory of the generation experiencing a shift. One of the tools of self-preservation of power in this situation is blocking of living historical experience, which can take various forms. The culmination of such a blockade is «hermetization» of historical time that take place in totalitarian state. The living historicity of experience, which requires a constant rethinking of one’s own historically inherited identity, is replaced by an artificial, time-frozen identity, which, precisely because of this nature, becomes fragile and doomed to destruction. On the other hand, the rewriting of history initiated by the authorities within the framework of historical policy may face resistance to the representations of the past rooted in the communicative and cultural memory. The resistance of historical narratives indicates that the collective memory and the identity founded in it are not only a power construct, but also a spontaneous layering of sediments of historical experience. In today’s world of global communications and unified everyday practices, historical narratives are beginning to play an increasing role, as they remain the only seat of identity. At the same time, this process reinforces the conflict potential of communities, which can be observed in many examples of the revival of historically motivated political ambitions. In this situation, a critical clarification of various interpretations of the past becomes a means of rationalizing the historically inherited identity of communities as a necessary condition for intercultural dialogue.


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