Introduction

2018 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Eran Almagor
Keyword(s):  
Social Reality ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Moral Aspect ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Work Method ◽  
Shed Light

In order to evaluate the historical descriptions of the political and social reality of the period in Plutarch's works, this chapter addresses two historiographic questions. (1) What do we know about Plutarch's work method? (2) What do we know of the Persica works? An attempt is proposed to allow the answers to reflect one upon the other and to show that the two great mysteries shed light on each other. The chapter introduces the subject, firstly, by pointing at the significance of treating Plutarch's oeuvre, especially the biographies, as complete artistic artefacts, works of literature and rhetoric aimed to highlight certain moral or philosophical ideas. Also addressed are the moral aspect of history found in Plutarch's works and the manner in which Plutarch the author uses the persona of a narrator to communicate the story and his ideas. Secondly, the character of the lost Persica works is portrayed. Thirdly, Plutarch's fascination with Persia and its manifestations is dealt with. Lastly, a special focus is given to the Artaxerxes.

To what question is the Badiouan notion of the subject an answer? On the dialectical elaboration of the concept in his early work

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-120
Author(s):  
Jan-Jasper Persijn
Keyword(s):  
Direct Consequence ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Academic World ◽  
Systematic Account ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
Work Up

Alain Badiou’s elaboration of a subject faithful to an event is commonly known today in the academic world and beyond. However, his first systematic account of the subject ( Théorie du Sujet) was already published in 1982 and did not mention the ‘event’ at all. Therefore, this article aims at tracing back both the structural and the historical conditions that directed Badiou’s elaboration of the subject in the early work up until the publication of L’Être et l’Événément in 1988. On the one hand, it investigates to what extent the (early) Badiouan subject can be considered an exceptional product of the formalist project of the Cahiers pour l’Analyse as instigated by psychoanalytical discourse (Lacan) and a certain Marxist discourse (Althusser) insofar as both were centered upon a theory of the subject. On the other hand, this article examines the radical political implications of this subject insofar as Badiou has directed his philosophical aims towards the political field as a direct consequence of the events of May ’68.

scholarly journals On the Possibilities of Researching the Marriage Policies of the Rurikids: The Case of Mstislav Fyodor Vladimirovich Monomakhovich

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 91-110
Author(s):  
Dariusz Dąbrowski
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Source Material ◽  
The Other ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Basic Question ◽  
The Political ◽  
Know How ◽  
Cultural Sphere ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One

The main goal of the article is to present the possibilities and methods of research on the Rurikid’s matrimonial policy in the Middle Ages on the example of a selected group of princes. As the subject of studies were chosen Mstislav Vladimirovich and his children. In total, 12 matrimonial relationships were included. The analysis of the source material revealed very unfavorable phenomena from the perspective of the topic under study. The Rus’ primary sources gave information on the conclusion of just four marriages out of twelve. The next four matrimonial arrangement inform foreign sources (Scandinavian and Norman). It should be emphasized particularly strongly that – save for two exceptions of Scandinavian provenance – the sources convey no information whatsoever as regards the political aims behind this or that marriage agreement. It appears, then, that the chroniclers of the period and cultural sphere in question did not regard details concerning marriages (such as their circumstances or the reasons behind them) as “information notable enough to be worth preserving”. Truth be told, even the very fact of the marriage did not always belong to this category. Due to the state of preservation of primary sources the basic question arises as to whether it is possible to study the Rurikids’ matrimonial policy? In spite of the mercilessly sparse source material, it is by all means possible to conduct feasible research on the Rurikids’ marriage policy. One must know how to do it right, however. Thus, such studies must on the one hand be rooted in a deep knowledge of the relevant sources (not only of Rus’ provenance) as well as the ability to subject them to astute analysis; on the other hand, they must adhere to the specially developed methodology, presented in the first part of the article.

The Free Press: Necessary Illusions

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 826-843
Author(s):  
John Charney
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Social Reality ◽  
False Belief ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Free Press ◽  
The Press ◽  
The World ◽  
False Idea

This article claims that the relevance of the ‘truth argument’ to free speech theory is based on an illusion. According to some critical perspectives this illusion consists in the false belief that a free press is a proper means for the mediation of social reality. The Critique of the Political Economy of the Press attributes it to the modes of production of the press in capitalist systems. Some cultural theorists, on the other hand, claim that the press cannot adequately represent reality because reality is non-representable. Building upon but superseding these approaches, this article affirms that the illusion of the free press is not merely a false idea of what the press really is. The illusion is – in contrast – an epistemological necessity: we need the illusion of a free press in order to retain the belief of a correspondence between the world that appears through the press and that same world as it is in itself.

scholarly journals La conquista de la fortuna

2005 ◽  
pp. 119-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Hermosa Andújar
Keyword(s):  
Human Behavior ◽  
Human Life ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Political Liberty ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One

In this work the author holds the thesis that with Maquiavelo, in accordance with Tucidides, the complete humanization of history and human life arose. Man has become the complete owner of his destiny when conquering fortune by virtù, that is, the entirety of social forces, concrete or diffuse, that oppose to the exercise of his will. It is only nature that remains as a region still inaccessible to human will. This is the reason why in Maquiavelo the concepts which should organize the explanation of human behavior are not, as considered until now, virtù/fortune but virtù/nature. Even though, there are two antagonic limits to the emancipatory virtuos action: on the one hand, its still nondemocratic condition, since only the Prince is capable of such virtù. On the other, the political liberty, something that in principle appears external to the subject, but once known he won´t forget ever, that is, political liberty becomes a constitutive feature of the human being at which every virtuos action of the Prince directed to extirpate it, fails.

scholarly journals Against "the European Notion of Man": Levinas, Freedom, and the Responsible Body

PhaenEx ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 76-99
Author(s):  
KATHY J. KILOH
Keyword(s):  
Emmanuel Levinas ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethical Relation ◽  
Bodily Experience ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Racist Ideology ◽  
Early Essay ◽  
Clear Description

Emmanuel Levinas’ early essay “Reflections on the Philosophy of Hitlerism” provides us with a clear description what Levinas’ conception of subjectivity as a lived, bodily experience rejects: “the European notion of man” (7). This paper traces the argument Levinas presents in “Reflections on the Philosophy of Hitlerism,” providing links between this early essay and Levinas’ later, major works: Totality and Infinity and Otherwise than Being or Beyond Essence. The political interrogation of liberalism at the heart of Levinas’ depiction of the subject as creaturely and his discussion of subjectivity as substitution is revealed by orienting the later works towards “Reflections on the Philosophy of Hitlerism.” Levinas’ description of the ethical relation between myself and all the others locates both my freedom and my responsibility to the other in the inseparable unity of body and spirit. As creatures, and as subjects in substitution, we experience our own freedom as dependent upon our responsibility for the others; unlike the subject of liberalism, the Levinasian subject cannot conform to the racist ideology promoted by the philosophy of Hiterlism without renouncing its own freedom.

The constitutional troubles of Ọyọ in the eighteenth century

1971 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. C. C. Law
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Disputes

This paper examines the internal disputes which the Ọyọ kingdom suffered during the eighteenth century, and which had as their ultimate issue a coup d'état in ca. 1796 which is traditionally held to mark the beginning of the disintegration of the kingdom. The troubles began with a conflict within the capital of the kingdom, between the Alafin (king) and the Ọyọ Mesi, a group of non-royal chiefs led by the Baṣọrun, and the first phase of the troubles culminated in 1754 in a seizure of power by the Baṣọrun. It is suggested that this struggle between the Alafin and his chiefs had its origins in competition for control of the new sources of wealth derived from the expansion of the kingdom. In 1774 the Alafin overthrew the Baṣọrun and recovered power in the capital by calling in the assistance of the subject towns of the kingdom. It is argued that this action proved fatal to the Ọyọ kingdom, by involving the rulers of the provincial towns in the political disputes of the capital and revealing the military impotence of the divided capital. In ca. 1796 the provincial rulers intervened at the capital on the other side, assisting the Baṣọrun to overthrow the Alafin. But the coalition of dissident metropolitan chiefs and dissident provincial chiefs immediately broke up, and many of the latter began to disregard the divided capital and make themselves independent.

Rytuały w przestrzeni politycznej na przykładzie Ustki

2019 ◽  
Vol XV ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Maciej Rogulski
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Local Dimension ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The City

Rituals are of great importance in politics at every level. Rituals bind society and strengthen their identity. Besides rituals strengthen attach-ment to culture, land and state power. On the other hand state power increases legitimacy by performing respected rituals. There are many interesting ways to classify rituals in the literature on the subject. For the purpose of showing rituals in the political space of the city of Ustka, it seems appropriate to distinguish above all the rituals of a national char-acter and those of a local dimension. In the case concept of the ritual, however, there are no final divisions, and the boundaries that divide them are certainly not impassable.

Pure Politics Revisited

1980 ◽  
Vol 15 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 427-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bertrand de Jouvenel
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soft Body ◽  
Saint Louis ◽  
Oak Tree ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One

SINCE FIRST I BEGAN TO THINK ABOUT THE SUBJECT OF WHAT I called ‘pure politics’ twenty years ago, it has, sad to say, become more immediate. This is because of something I emphasized at the time: the effectiveness of a dedicated group of activists. Although few in number, the group's intensity of will gives it a formidable strength. It is like a projectile which can easily penetrate the soft body of society. It is the generator of the unforeseen, and ushers drama on to the political stage. In my book De la Souveraineté (1955), I contrasted two pictures familiar to us since childhood: Bonaparte on the bridge at Arcola and Saint Louis under the oak tree at Vincennes. The first is standing erect, calling on his men to charge; the other is seated, serene, welcoming the various plaintiffs who press towards him and sending them away content. On one side of the diptych we see a leader who exalts, and on the other side an umpire who corrects and conciliates – an agent of momentum and an agent of equilibrium. Bonaparte points to a direction and the narrowness of the bridge is a symbol of the one-way narrow track, the precise intention. In contrast, the oak tree is the centre of a circumference, from every point of which the plaintiffs or suitors could approach, so that the king's attention was called from all sides: he needed the eyes of Argus.

scholarly journals Continuity and Preservation of Traditional Political and Legal Institutions of the Turkic-Mongolian World in Modern Conditions

2021 ◽  
Vol 136 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-39
Author(s):  
Y. Zelenin ◽  
◽  
A. Vasiliev ◽  
Y.V. Pechatnova ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Institutions ◽  
Traditional Values ◽  
Scientific Principles ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
External Forces ◽  
Scientific Ideas

The question of defining own national identity is a kind of prism with the help of which consideration, estimation and research of many important features of modern political and legal life of Turkic-Mongolian peoples are possible. That is why at present it is important to trace the foundations of the ideological-value factor, continuity and preservation of traditional and legal institutions of the peoples of the Turkic-Mongolian world. The aim of the study is to analyse the main scientific ideas about the degree of continuity and the possibility of preserving traditional political and legal values in the countries of the Turkic-Mongolian world in the context of globalisation. The authors have assessed the degree of study of the subject of research, highlighted the main scientific ideas, analyzed the possibility of preserving traditional values of the Turkic-Mongolian world in the context of globalization. In the course of the study, proven scientific principles of pluralism of political and legal cultures and historicism, cultural and civilizational approach, historical, hermeneutic, comparative and formal-legal methods were used. As a result of the study, the authors conclude that, on the one hand, the specific functioning of the political and legal institutions of the Turkic-Mongol world is based on the desire to maintain their independence and autonomy from the influence of external forces, but on the other hand, the imitation of Western-oriented narratives is traced with varying degrees of success

Art in the Service of Power: The Creation of a “New Man” (On the Example of Soviet Propaganda Porcelain of the 1920s)

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 442-456
Author(s):  
Margarita Bayutova ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Random Choice ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
New Man ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Applied Art ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One

In the article the author considers the problem of using art as the political power instrument. The subject of the study is the analysis of applied arts possibilities as a means of political propaganda and agitation, the necessary qualities and political views formation in a person. The material for the analysis is the Soviet propaganda porcelain of the 1920s. The choice of this material is caused, firstly, by its great visibility in the framework of the discussed problem, and, secondly, by the negative result of its use in real politics (at first sight, paradoxical). At present, Soviet propaganda porcelain is considered to be a “unique phenomenon” of Russian and world art. However, the main reason for its appearance at the beginning of the 20th century was not the search for new art forms. After coming to power in 1917, the Bolshevists faced the need to form political views of the citizens that were compatible with the party course — in general, to form a “new man” capable of living in a new society. On the one hand, porcelain was a random choice at that period of time (1920-s) but, on the other hand, people assigned specific characteristics to it as a type of applied art. And, therefore, they ascribed to it the possibilities of an instrument of political power. But at the same time using it in that capacity is greatly limited due to other specific properties, as well as due to other historical circumstances. The main reason for the failure of Soviet propaganda porcelain as the political propaganda and agitation means is the contradiction between the course of political power and the essence of porcelain as a phenomenon, i.e. inconsistency between the goal and the means to achieve it. In general, the author draws a conclusion that there is a difference between the goals of art and power and, as a consequence, the groundlessness of the power attempts to consider art exclusively as its own tool.

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