scholarly journals ¿Crisis de la Cultura de la Transición?. Para una crítica de la cultura política de la Democracia Española.

2018 ◽  
pp. 213-226
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Symbolic Resources ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
Democratic Character ◽  
Culture Transition

Resumen: Partiendo de la revisión interpretativista que ha cuestionado la rigidez de la clásica noción de cultura política elaborada por Almond y Verba, así como la validez explicativa de su concepto de cultura cívica para dar cuenta del carácter democrático de los sistemas políticos, nos interrogamos acerca de en qué medida los recursos simbólicos que desde la Transición habrían logrado homogeneizar un imaginario de consenso pueden no ser capaces de soportar la emergencia de nuevas formas de representar lo colectivo. El presente trabajo trata de ubicar cuáles han sido los rasgos definitorios de la cultura política de la democracia española, con el fin de estimar la caducidad de los márgenes discursivos del complejo mítico que identificamos como “cultura de la Transición”. Palabras clave: cultura política, cultura cívica, transición a la democracia, consenso, crisis. Crisis of the Culture of the Transition?: Notes and reflections for a criticism of the Political Culture of Spanish Democracy Abstract: Starting from the interpretative revision that has questioned the rigidity of the classic notion of political culture elaborated by Almond and Verba, as well as the explanatory validity of its concept of civic culture to give an account of the democratic character of political systems, we question ourselves about How far the symbolic resources that since the Transition would have managed to homogenize an imaginary of consensus may not be able to withstand the emergence of new ways of representing the collective. The present work tries to locate the definitive features of the political culture of the Spanish democracy, with the purpose of estimate the expiration of the discursive margins of the mythical complex that we identify as "culture of the Transition". Keywords:political culture, civic culture, transition to democracy, consensus, crisis.

Democratic revival of political culture

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-43
Author(s):  
D.D. Omirzakova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems

In this article, a political culture is studied in conjunction with the cultural and spiritual ties formed in the course of history. The author reveals the essence of the concept of "democracy" and considers its versatility. Based on this, the essence of "democracy" is studied in combination with modern values, and its role in society is analyzed. Therefore, the fact that the form of power is also measured by culture has been examined in comparison with the political systems of history.

scholarly journals “Guardianes de la tradición” Resistencias al cambio político y socio-cultural del tardofranquismo y la Transición en Andalucía oriental = “Guardians of tradition”. Resistances to the political and socio cultural change during the late Francoism and the transition to democracy in Eastern Andalusia

2020 ◽  
pp. 344
Author(s):  
Gloria Román Ruiz
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Change ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Cultural Transformation ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
San Jose ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Town

Resumen: El artículo se interroga por la naturaleza y la intensidad de las resistencias que algunos grupos sociales plantearon al proceso de transformación política y socio-cultural que comenzó a finales de los años sesenta y se extendió a lo largo de los setenta. Presta atención a aquellos sujetos que alzaron su voz en defensa de la tradición y en contra de la modernidad, así como a la incidencia que tuvieron sus acciones y comportamientos de oposición sobre el proceso de democratización. En primer lugar, el texto se detiene en las acciones de resistencia protagonizadas por feligreses conservadores que abrigaban actitudes políticas aquiescentes con la dictadura y acudían a escuchar misa a una parroquia regentada por un cura progresista. En segundo lugar, atiende a las resistencias expresadas por la comunidad parroquial de la iglesia de San José de Estepona (Málaga) ante el proyecto para la instauración de un complejo nudista en la localidad en 1978.Palabras clave: tardofranquismo, transición, democratización, resistencias al cambio, conservadurismo.Abstract: The article wonders about the nature and the intensity of the resistances set in motion by some social groups against the process of political and socio-cultural transformation that began at the end of the sixties and extended throughout the seventies. It pays attention to those subjects who raised their voice in defence of the tradition and against the modernity, as well as to the impact of their actions and opposition behaviours on the process of democratization. In the first place, the paper deals with the actions of resistance activated by the conservative parishioners who had acquiescent political attitudes towards the dictatorship and who attended to a parish ruled by a progressive priest. Secondly, it focuses on the resistances expressed by the parochial community of the San José church (Estepona, Málaga) caused by a nudist project in the town in 1978.Keywords: late Francoism, transition to democracy, democratization, resistances to change, conservatism.

Dimensions of Political Alienation

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 389-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ada W. Finifter
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
System Stability ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Marked Rise ◽  
Citizen Support ◽  
The Individual

In recent years there has emerged in this country a radical questioning and rejection of established political institutions unparalleled since the Civil War in its intensity and scope. One objective indicator of this trend since World War II is the marked rise in voluntary renunciation of American citizenship, an act which represents the formal and final estrangement of the individual from his former political ties. Available evidence suggests that estrangement from the polity is also widespread in countries throughout the world as fundamental questions are being raised about the legitimacy of political institutions and political leadership.Attitudes toward the political system have long been a concern of political scientists. Major orienting theories of the political system suggest that citizen support plays a crucial role in determining the structure and processes of political systems. Almond and Verba, for example, use the concept “civic culture” to refer to a complex mix of attitudes and behaviors considered to be conducive to democratic government. Easton underscores the fundamental importance of attitudes for system stability, focusing especially on “diffuse support” as a prerequisite for the integration of political systems. He suggests that “(w)here the input of support falls below [a certain] minimum, the persistence of any kind of system will be endangered. A system will finally succumb unless it adopts measures to cope with the stress.”The conversion of these general theoretical ideas into systematic empirical theory requires further rigorous and comprehensive analyses of types of citizen support and the development of empirical indicators for this domain.

scholarly journals IMBRICAÇÕES ENTRE CULTURA POLÍTICA E RELIGIÃO: UM COMPARATIVO ENTRE A ÁREA ANDINA E O BRASIL

2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego Airoso da Motta
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Pentecostal Movement ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Role Of Religion

RESUMO O presente artigo trata da relação entre cultura política e religião, com ênfase na América Latina, especialmente na área andina e no Brasil. De forma incidental, é realizado também um superficial cotejamento entre o panorama latino-americano e o mundo desenvolvido, o ocidente representado por Europa e Estados Unidos, em relação ao peso da religiosidade na formação da cultura política desses locais. O papel da religião na América Latina, outrora substancialmente católica, hoje presenciando o crescimento do movimento neopentecostal, é avaliada tanto no cenário dos populismos andinos, quanto no jogo político brasileiro. Ainda em termos de Brasil, é feita uma referência especial ao papel da Igreja Católica na formação de uma sociedade civil engajada e atuante, principalmente durante o regime ditatorial pós-1964. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Cultura política. Religião. América Latina.   RESUMEN Este artículo aborda la relación entre cultura política y la religión, con énfasis en América Latina, especialmente en la región andina y Brasil. Por cierto, también se lleva a cabo un examen superficial entre el panorama de América Latina y el mundo desarrollado, representado por Europa occidental y los Estados Unidos, el peso de la religión en la formación de la cultura política de estos lugares. El papel de la religión en América Latina, antes sustancialmente católica, ahora viendo el crecimiento del movimiento pentecostal, se evalúa tanto en el escenario de los movimientos populistas de los Andes, como en el juego político en Brasil. Incluso en términos de Brasil, se hace una referencia especial al papel de la Iglesia Católica en la formación de una sociedad civil activa y comprometida, especialmente durante la etapa post-1964 la dictadura. PALABRAS-CLAVE: Cultura política. Religión. América Latina.   ABSTRACT This article deals with the relationship between political culture and religion, with emphasis on Latin America, especially in the Andean region and Brazil. Incidentally, is also carried out a superficial examination between the panorama of Latin America and the developed world, represented by Western Europe and the United States, the weight of religion in shaping the political culture of these places. The role of religion in Latin America, substantially Catholic before, now seeing the growth of the Pentecostal movement, is evaluated both in the scenario of Andean populist movements and the political brazilian game. Even in terms of Brazil, is made a special reference to the Catholic Church's role in the formation of an active and engaged civil society, especially during the post-1964 dictatorship. KEYWORD: Political culture. Religion. Latin America.

scholarly journals Democratic Transition in Malaysia: Prerequisites and Obstacles

ICR Journal ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 92-104
Author(s):  
Syed Farid Alatas
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
The State ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Resistance Movements ◽  
Postcolonial State ◽  
Humanist Tradition ◽  
Religious Establishment

This paper discusses three factors accounting for the transition to democracy, namely the absence of mass or armed resistance to democracy, the internal strength of the state, and the cohesion of the political elite. In the case of Malaysia, the structural conditions that emerged in the late colonial period, that is the absence of mass resistance movements, allowed for the rise of a relatively democratic postcolonial state. Conditions had been relatively conducive to the development of democratic political culture. However, recent years have seen the development and exertion of a more authoritarian trend among the political and religious elite that has accompanied a process of Islamisation of governance. These developments resonate with a more feudal, hierarchical and authoritarian culture that can be traced to the pre-colonial past and which has an affinity with a more authoritarian interpretation of Islam so typical of the contemporary state religious establishment. The future of democracy in Malaysia depends on the ability of democratic tendencies within the state as well as civil society to work against these authoritarian forces. This future would require drawing upon the more egalitarian and humanist tradition of precolonial Islam and the modernist movement of the colonial Malay world.

scholarly journals Comparative Analysis of Southern Caucasus Countries’ Political Systems

2018 ◽  
pp. 88-101
Author(s):  
Konstantine Shubitidze ◽  
Tornike Tevdoradze
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political System ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Southern Caucasus ◽  
Points Of View

Caucasus is one of the most popular region for the world in the political view. Three countries – Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan – are part of that region. Despite of the close ties between them and the neighborhood, they have political system similarities and differences as well.  In the paper, we will discuss and compare those three countries from different points of view: political regimes, types of government, number of ministries, economics, political culture, political parties in the parliament and demography. We will find out which country is much forward in these spares, what are their problems and perspectives, what their main political course is and how they interact to each other. In addition to that, we will also discuss and prove our statements by the statistical data of democracy level or political transparency. In addition, it will show some actual problems in the region to the reader and finally it will draw clear picture of the political environment in the region. Keywords: Political Regimes, Democracy, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Ministries, Government, Political Parties, Demography, Economy, Political Culture

A Salience Dimension of Politics for the Study of Political Culture

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 878-888 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moshe M. Czudnowski
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Cultural Differences ◽  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Language Education ◽  
Analytical Models ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Cultural Data

The present trend in the comparative study of politics is a departure from the country-by-country approach and a search for analytical models based on dimensions common to all political systems. This trend is in part based on the assumption that the construction of new concepts and conceptual frameworks for comparative politics would provide the starting point for a general empirical theory of political systems. One of the new concepts which has become common currency is “political culture.” Originally proposed by Almond in 1956 and developed by Almond and Verba in The Civic Culture, the concept of political culture refers to patterns of politically relevant orientations of a cognitive, evaluative and expressive sort. It is intended to provide a researchable connecting link between the psychological tendencies of individuals and groups and the structural-functional characteristics of political systems, and to translate such concepts as “historical heritage” or “national character” into sets of cultural components more amenable to measurement and comparison across nations.The study of political culture thus involves comparisons between the orientations of social groups towards specific political objects, between those of particular groups towards different objects, and between patterns of orientations and patterns of behavior. From a methodological viewpoint, all empirical political research is comparative research; we must therefore expect to encounter the problem of the comparability of political data, and in particular, the problem of equivalence of meaning, in all areas of political study. In the comparison of cultural data across nations the requirements of equivalence of meaning are probably more difficult to meet than in any other area. Generally speaking, there are two possible sources of differences in meaning in cross-cultural data: (a) cultural differences of a non-political nature, such as language, education or the degree of frankness or “openness” of personal opinions, and (b) cultural differences of a political nature.

scholarly journals A Matter of Politics

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-64
Author(s):  
Svein Tuastad ◽  
Katya Nogales Crespo
Keyword(s):  
Social Work ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Workers ◽  
Policy Transfer ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Weak State ◽  
Institutional System ◽  
Legal Contexts

To which extent do dysfunctional political systems lead to everyday challenges for social workers? Moreover, how do social workers benefit from working in well-ordered democracies? The purpose of this paper is to gain insights into how the interplay between the political context and social work actually operates. Our main question is: How do accountability and state capacity levels affect daily social work? This interplay frequently becomes associated with levels of democracy and redistribution. We also draw attention to how social workers’ are dependent on the capacity of the state to implement policies. We compare social work and the political and legal contexts in two widely different polities – Norway and Bolivia. Our primary findings indicate that the effects of generally unfavourable political conditions permeate the possibilities for effective social work in previously unforeseen ways. Coordination problems, clientelism and political rivalry lead to everyday challenges on the ground, as many problems seem to reflect the overall institutional system and political culture. In well-ordered political systems, these problems are hardly an issue. In our concluding discussion, we address how the nature of the institutional system and political culture apparently might call for a differentiated approach towards reform strategies. For instance, progressive politicians, citizens and social workers advocating a policy transfer could face severe hindrances in polities, thus comprising weak state capacities.

scholarly journals COMPARING THE POLITICAL TRUST AND CIVIC POLITICAL CULTURE OF DEMOCRACY OR AUTHORITARIAN IN ASIAN COUNTRIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 320-333
Author(s):  
Hsiu-wen Yang
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Cultural Perspective ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Transitional Regime ◽  
Full Responsibility ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

The political trust of the people is essential for the consolidation of the regime, but it has not been discussed whether the democratic or authoritarian system is more consolidated. This article uses the Asian Democracy Dynamics Survey of 2010 to divide 11 countries into the system of democracy, excessive democracy and autocracy, and autocracy according to the Polity IV index. It will test the people’s political trust in these three different political systems, and try to explain the differences from the "cultural perspective" and "citizen classification." The cultural perspective is divided into authoritarianism, traditionalism, collectivism, and Confucian which belongs to the specific political culture in Asia. This paper created the concept of "accepted and rejected" citizenship. Studies have found that the more authoritarian the country, the higher the trust of the people, and it’s not easy to change the original regime. In addition to the traditional view, those who do hold culturally authoritative, collective, and Confucian views have high political trust and trust the government to take full responsibility. People have a higher degree of trust in their government, which is the hidden reason that may cause the authoritarian or transitional regime to fail to transform into a democratic regime.

A REPLY TO BASSEL F. SALLOUKH'S REVIEW OF ARABS AT THE CROSSROADS: POLITICAL IDENTITY AND NATIONALISM (IJMES 36 [2004]: 527–28)

2005 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-460
Author(s):  
HILAL KHASHAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Research Methodology ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Professional Integrity ◽  
The One

In his review of my book Arabs at the Crossroads: Political Identity and Nationalism, the neophyte political scientist Bassel F. Salloukh attempts to instruct me on the fundamentals of research methodology. Sadly, however, his review amounts to nothing more than a brazen barrage of protestations and disapprovals. I counted about two dozen complaints and unsubstantiated criticisms in the one-and-a-half-page review, in which he summarily condemns the book for its purported “sweeping indictment of Arab failures.” Salloukh unleashes a fiery litany of pseudoacademic indignation because I found the political-culture approach and crises of identity and legitimacy relevant to the study of failed Arab political systems. The reviewer is certainly free to disagree with my approach, but professional integrity necessitates that he adopt a method more academic than screeching sophomoric objections. Rather than develop an analytical case against me, the reviewer instead opts to swing from the hip, falsely attributing to me things that I never said, such as my alleged identification of a “basic foundational dislocation that has doomed everything Arab.”

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