THE ORIGINS OF THE US PRESIDENT LYNDON B. JOHNSON’S PRO-ISRAELI SYMPATHY, 1908-1948

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-43
Author(s):  
VLADIMIR RUMYANTSEV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Initial Period ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Career ◽  
Senate Elections ◽  
Life Attitudes ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Jewish Refugees ◽  
The Us ◽  
Lyndon Johnson ◽  
Willingness To Use

The purpose of this study is to identify the origins of the pro-Israeli affections of the prominent American politician Lyndon Baines Johnson (the President of the United States in 1963-1968) in the initial period of his political career before winning the Senate elections in 1948. The study resulted in conclusion that preferences of Lyndon Johnson towards Israel were influenced by a number of factors. First of all, this was the influence of the views that had developed in the family of an American politician. His grandfather and aunt were active members of the Christodelphian community, in which the protection of the Jews as God’s chosen people was one of the principles of life. Lyndon’s father, Samuel Ealy Johnson, jr. always tried to take the side of the oppressed and persecuted people. Because of this, Lyndon’s father received threats against him from the Ku Klux Klan. We should also note the role of Lyndon Johnson’s encirclement at the dawn of his political career. A number of prominent American Zionists stood out in this encirclement. In addition, the life attitudes and values of the future 36th US president coincided with the philosophy and experience of the founders of the State of Israel, from side of its leaders as well as from the side of ordinary citizens, soldiers and farmers. Being raised on the Texas frontier and admired for examples of bravery and courage, Johnson felt justified in Israel’s willingness to use force at any moment. Lyndon Johnson’s words and deeds were never at variance. He personally took part in saving the lives of Jewish refugees from Nazi-occupied Europe. Though, their number, apparently, was not as large as it is sometimes presented in publicist and even historical papers.

Real-world utilization and costs with biosimilar and reference filgrastim in patients with breast cancer receiving myelosuppressive chemotherapy in a community oncology setting from 2015 to 2017.

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (28_suppl) ◽  
pp. 57-57
Author(s):  
Robert M. Rifkin ◽  
Lisa Herms ◽  
Chuck Wentworth ◽  
Anupama Vasudevan ◽  
Kimberley Campbell ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Breast Cancer ◽  
Real World ◽  
Initial Period ◽  
The United States ◽  
Time Frame ◽  
Real World Data ◽  
Electronic Health Record Data ◽  
Myelosuppressive Chemotherapy ◽  
Community Oncology ◽  
The Us

57 Background: Biosimilars have potential to reduce healthcare costs and increase access in the United States, but lack of uptake has contributed to lost savings. Filgrastim-sndz was the first FDA-approved biosimilar, and much can be learned by evaluating its uptake. In February 2016, the US Oncology Network converted to filgrastim-sndz as its short-acting granulocyte colony-stimulating factor (GCSF) of choice for prevention of febrile neutropenia (FN) following myelosuppressive chemotherapy (MCT). To understand utilization and cost patterns, this study analyzes real-world data of GCSFs within a community oncology network during the initial period of conversion to the first biosimilar available in the US. Methods: This descriptive retrospective observational study used electronic health record data for female breast cancer (BC) patients receiving GCSF and MCT at high risk of FN. Patient cohorts were defined by first receipt of either filgrastim or filgrastim-sndz during the 410 days before and after biosimilar conversion. Healthcare resource utilization (HCRU) and costs for GCSF and complete blood counts (CBC) were collected at GCSF initiation through the earliest of 30 days following end of MCT, loss to follow up, death, or data cutoff. Results: 146 patients were identified: 81 (55.5%) filgrastim and 65 (44.5%) filgrastim-sndz. No directional differences existed in baseline characteristics between the cohorts. Higher proportions of filgrastim-sndz patients received dose-dense MCT (33.8% vs 22.2%). Time trends show an initial spike in HCRU and cost for filgrastim-sndz patients after formulary conversion, which subsequently decreased and converged to that of the filgrastim cohort after 12 months. When aggregated, the overall median total administration counts, per patient per month (PPPM) and dosage, were marginally higher for filgrastim-sndz (5 vs 3; 2.9 vs 1.4; 1920 vs 1440 mcg, respectively). Median PPPM costs were higher for filgrastim-sndz ($803 vs $545). Median CBC utilization and costs were higher for filgrastim-sndz (2.8 vs 2.5; $28 vs $23, respectively). Conclusions: This study provides insight into real-world HCRU and cost patterns after formulary conversion to a biosimilar for BC patients receiving MCT and GCSF. As a descriptive study, causal inferences cannot be made and an underlying effect from index chemotherapy cannot be excluded. Convergence of HCRU and costs after 12 months suggests that overall results may be driven by behavior at initial formulary switch. Since filgrastim-sndz was the first US biosimilar approved, the uptake may be indicative of an experience with biosimilar acceptance in general. Future real-world studies of biosimilars must consider inconsistent utilization and practice trends during the time frame directly following formulary conversion.

scholarly journals A Letter from a Siberian Poet to the President of the United States of America: Natural Written Speech as a Reflection of Socio-Political Views

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 278-285
Author(s):  
K. V. Sinegubova
Keyword(s):  
Sense Of Self ◽  
The United States ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Soviet Society ◽  
Life Attitudes ◽  
Frequent Use ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Us ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
Written Speech

The research objective was to identify the axiological values in uncensored free speech, i.e. natural written speech, of Soviet citizens. The axiological approach made it possible to identify individual life attitudes and values. The research featured a letter that the Kuzbass poet Mikhail A. Nebogatov wrote to the US President James Carter about the socio-political problem of dissidence. The author had no experience in professional journalism or in intercultural communication, which makes him a naive author. The text of the letter reflects the worldview and value system of the author himself rather than situational norms and pragmatic attitudes. M. A. Nebogatov represents himself not as a private person with a unique point of view, but as a speaker for the entire Soviet nation. He believed in the idea of the ideological and axiological unity of the Soviet society, hence the frequent use of the pronouns "we" and "our", as well as the general sense of self-righteousness. For him, Russian literature was the ultimate expression of the Soviet axiosphere, which resulted in numerous references to the authority of Russian writers. M. A. Nebogatov's expressive and appellative intention was to represent himself as a poet, which automatically made him the bearer of the national system of values, with Motherland and patriotism in its core. The axiological and conceptual analysis shows that natural written speech can help to identify the basic values of a social group, e.g., residents of a particular region.

scholarly journals Interest Relief on Income Tax Debts: Canada Versus the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 931-986
Author(s):  
Michael H. Lubetsky
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Voluntary Disclosure ◽  
Income Tax ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Us ◽  
Fair Compensation ◽  
Willingness To Use ◽  
Tax Court ◽  
The Comparative Study

Subsection 220(3.1) of the Income Tax Act authorizes the minister of national revenue to waive or cancel interest on income tax debts. This power is typically exercised in four circumstances: where interest has accumulated owing to circumstances beyond a taxpayer's control; where the interest has accumulated owing to error or delay by the Canada Revenue Agency; where the accumulated interest causes hardship; or in the context of a voluntary disclosure. South of the border, section 6404 of the Internal Revenue Code authorizes the secretary of the Treasury to "abate" interest on tax debts. As a practical matter, discretionary interest relief under section 6404 is available only in very limited circumstances. The restrictive approach to discretionary interest relief is, however, offset by a greater array of interest-relieving provisions, as well as by the power of the secretary to "compromise" tax liabilities on various grounds, some of which overlap with grounds for interest relief recognized in Canada. This article compares the Canadian and US interest relief regimes, with a view to identifying aspects of the US regime that may merit further consideration in Canada. The differences in the US approach that are of particular interest include • a wider, and arguably more coherent, range of relieving provisions applicable to interest, particularly with regard to interest netting and carrybacks; • the jurisdiction of the United States Tax Court to review refusals to abate interest and/or to accept an offer in compromise; • dealing with situations of hardship and extraordinary circumstances under the aegis of the offer-in-compromise regime, which allows for consideration of the underlying tax liability in addition to the interest, and which also allows for relief to be made conditional on the taxpayer's future compliance with filing and payment obligations; • in certain older cases, a willingness to use interest relief to settle longstanding and complex tax disputes; and • the absence of statutory time limits on the power of the secretary to abate or compromise interest. The comparative study also reveals how Canada and the United States place different weight on policy rationales that underlie interest relief. Canada focuses mainly on ensuring that the consequences of non-compliance for individual taxpayers are fair and equitable. The United States, on the other hand, focuses more on rehabilitating non-compliant taxpayers in the long term, as well as ensuring that interest reflects fair compensation for such taxpayers' use of the public treasury's money—both of which could be given greater attention on this side of the border.

scholarly journals The vulnerabilities of computerized physician order entry systems: a qualitative study

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah P Slight ◽  
Tewodros Eguale ◽  
Mary G Amato ◽  
Andrew C Seger ◽  
Diana L Whitney ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Medication Errors ◽  
Interface Design ◽  
The United States ◽  
Computerized Physician Order Entry ◽  
Order Entry ◽  
Usual Practice ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Us ◽  
Physician Order Entry

Abstract Objective To test the vulnerabilities of a wide range of computerized physician order entry (CPOE) systems to different types of medication errors, and develop a more comprehensive qualitative understanding of how their design could be improved. Materials and Methods The authors reviewed a random sample of 63 040 medication error reports from the US Pharmacopeia (USP) MEDMARX reporting system where CPOE systems were considered a “contributing factor” to errors and flagged test scenarios that could be tested in current CPOE systems. Testers entered these orders in 13 commercial and homegrown CPOE systems across 16 different sites in the United States and Canada, using both usual practice and where-needed workarounds. Overarching themes relevant to interface design and usability/workflow issues were identified. Results CPOE systems often failed to detect and prevent important medication errors. Generation of electronic alert warnings varied widely between systems, and depended on a number of factors, including how the order information was entered. Alerts were often confusing, with unrelated warnings appearing on the same screen as those more relevant to the current erroneous entry. Dangerous drug-drug interaction warnings were displayed only after the order was placed rather than at the time of ordering. Testers illustrated various workarounds that allowed them to enter these erroneous orders. Discussion and Conclusion The authors found high variability in ordering approaches between different CPOE systems, with major deficiencies identified in some systems. It is important that developers reflect on these findings and build in safeguards to ensure safer prescribing for patients.

scholarly journals Predicting the outcome of H-1B visa using ANN Algorithm

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 2421-2424
Keyword(s):  
Work Experience ◽  
The United States ◽  
High Accuracy ◽  
Bachelor's Degree ◽  
Us Economy ◽  
Approval Rate ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Relevant Factors

H-1B visa allows US employers to employ nonimmi- grant workers on a temporary basis. This visa only allows specialty workers to gain employment in the United States which means people who have a bachelor’s degree or equivalent work experience are eligible. The duration of H-1B visa is 3 years and it may extend to 6 years. The H-1B visa is the most sought after visa in the world, however it has a low approval rate. In 2019, 200000 people applied for the visa worldwide of which only 85000 people were selected which means an approval rate of only 42%. This fight to obtain the visa is getting more competitive as the US Economy improves. This selection depends upon a number of factors such as employer, wage etc. This paper helps to predict whether an individual can gain the H1B visa or not taking in account all the relevant factors. The proposed system secured a high accuracy of 96% by using ANN algorithm.

THE MAIN PROVISIONS OF THE US ENERGY DOCTRINE: HISTORY AND MODERNITY

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-156
Author(s):  
Z. Kh. TSORIEVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
The Us

The article examines the chronology of the development of the energy doctrine of the United States, which for many years has been focused on reducing the country's dependence on foreign energy imports. And while the United States does not currently need to import foreign energy on a huge scale, to effectively ensure energy security, a number of factors must be taken into account, both from a domestic and international point of view.

ON SOME FEATURES OF THE US POLICY IN CENTRAL ASIA

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
N.U. KHANALIEV
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Main Attention ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military ◽  
Made In

An attempt is made in the article to identify and analyze some aspects of the US foreign strategy in Central Asia which, in the authors opinion, although in one form or another are touched upon in the domestic political science, can nevertheless be interpreted from a new angle, subjecting the existing interpretations to a certain re-evaluation and adjustment. Washingtons policy in the region is viewed in a broader context, Central Asia is considered an integral part of Eurasia. The main attention is focused on the justification of the thesis that in the 90s of the last century the United States claimed to be the main actor occupying the dominant position in Eurasia as a whole and Central Asia in particular, but due to a number of factors failed to reach that aim. After analyzing the activities of the US administration in using the territory of the five countries as a springboard for the military operations in Afghanistan, it is concluded that from the beginning of the war until recently, the possibilities of achieving goals sought by Washington in the region gradually narrowed. It is shown that the situation was determined both by Russias return to the region as a great military and political power and emergence of such a new powerful actor as China, as well as by the mistakes and miscalculations of the US leadership.

Ignorance loops: How non-knowledge about bee-toxic agrochemicals is iteratively produced

2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (5) ◽  
pp. 751-777
Author(s):  
Jennie L Durant
Keyword(s):  
Knowledge Production ◽  
Environmental Protection Agency ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regulatory Agencies ◽  
Colony Losses ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
The Us ◽  
Knowledge Politics ◽  
Bee Health ◽  
Chemical Companies

In this article, I examine the knowledge politics around pesticides in the United States and the role it plays in honey bee declines. Since 2006, US beekeepers have lost an average of one-third of their colonies each year. Though a number of factors influence bee health, beekeepers, researchers and policymakers cite pesticides as a primary contributor. In the US, pesticide registration is overseen by the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), with the required tests conducted by chemical companies applying for registration. Until 2016, the EPA only required chemical companies to measure acute toxicity for non-target species, which means that many pesticides with sublethal toxicities are not labeled bee-toxic, and farmers can apply them without penalty while bees are on their farms or orchards. In addition, California state and county regulators will typically only investigate a bee kill caused by a labeled bee-toxic pesticide, and so emergent data on non-labeled, sublethal pesticides goes uncollected. These gaps in data collection frustrate beekeepers and disincentivize them from reporting colony losses to regulatory agencies – thus reinforcing ignorance about which chemicals are toxic to bees. I term the iterative cycle of non-knowledge co-constituted by regulatory shortfalls and stakeholder regulatory disengagement an ‘ignorance loop’. I conclude with a discussion of what this dynamic can tell us about the politics of knowledge production and pesticide governance and the consequences of ‘ignorance loops’ for stakeholders and the environment.

scholarly journals United States – Definitive Safeguard Measures on Imports of Circular Welded Carbon Quality Line Pipe From Korea Not for Attribution

2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (S1) ◽  
pp. 99-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene M. Grossman ◽  
Petros C. Mavroidis
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Line Pipe ◽  
Carbon Quality ◽  
Safeguard Measures ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Statutory Requirement ◽  
The Us ◽  
Pipe Line ◽  
Serious Injury

This dispute concerns the imposition of a definitive safeguard measure by the United States on imports of circular welded carbon quality line pipe (“line pipe”) from Korea (WTO DOC. WTO/DS 202/AB/R). The measure was imposed following an investigation conducted by the US International Trade Commission (USITC). The USITC determined in a safeguard investigation initiated on 29 July 1999 that “circular welded carbon quality line pipe . . . is being imported into the United States in such increased quantities as to be a substantial cause of serious injury or the threat of serious injury.” In its investigation, the USITC identified a number of factors apart from increased imports that might have caused serious injury or threat of serious injury to the domestic line pipe industry. The Commission concluded that increased imports were “a cause which is important and not less than any other cause” and that, therefore, the statutory requirement of “substantial cause” had been met.

scholarly journals Peculiarities of the US Policy towards Cuba under Conditions of Break Off Diplomatic Relations in the 1960’s

2019 ◽  
pp. 31-39
Author(s):  
Kateryna Kasatkina
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
Lyndon Johnson ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The 1960S

The article is an attempt to analyze the peculiarities of the US Policy towards Cuba under conditions of break off diplomatic relations in the 1960s. The article focuses on factors which influenced on the formation of the US policy towards Cuba and determined the nature of its qualitative changes in the given period. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson against Fidel Castro’s regime. There is also described the work of the Special Group Augmented that prepared for the new phase of the «Cuban project» – Operation «Mongoose». As a result of the research the author comes to the conclusion, that peculiarities of the US Policy towards Cuba under conditions of break off diplomatic relations in the 1960’s had changed. President Kennedy’s policies were characterized by different methods and approaches. It included both covert operations and sabotage against F. Castro’s regime, as well as political and economic pressure on Cuba. However, such US policy had the opposite effect. Cuba had established relations with the Soviet Union. The confrontation between the United States, the Soviet Union and Cuba led to The Cuban missile crisis. After the crisis was resolved the USA was forced to suspend operation «Mongoose». In addition, John F. Kennedy had attempted to establish a secret back channel of communication with F. Castro. After his death, preliminary for negotiations between Washington and Havana were discontinued. The new President Lyndon Johnson did not allow the normalization of relations with Cuba on Castro’s terms and while he was in power. He made an effort to destabilize the Castro’s regime by making an engaging immigration policy for Cubans who lived in the United States or desired come to the country and got a permanent residence. At the end of Johnson’s presidency, the United States took part in the Vietnam war, but the problem of U.S.-Cuban relations remained unresolved.

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