scholarly journals Is Anyone Representing Non-resident Finnish Citizens in the Legislative Process of Finland?

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimmo Makkonen

This research paper examines the instances of representation of the expatriate Finnish citizen in the different stages of the legislative process in Finland: the preparation of law bills, the process in the Parliamentary committees and in the plenary sessions of the Finnish Parliament Eduskunta. The aim is to answer the questions how many and what kind of expatriate Finns issues there has been on the political agenda, when those issues were there, and who acted for the expatriates then. Here, the research approach is descriptive. Newly digitalized collections of legislative documents create novel opportunities to seek efficiently through a large number of records and find topics that have not gained much attention, in addition to the more obvious cases such as the dual citizenship or recently the postal voting. In Finland, the Finnish diaspora has not been a fervently debated issue and it is only rarely mentioned in the plenary debates of the Parliament. The data includes two kinds of sources, actions by the MPs and Government bills. In the Finnish case, the number of relevant documents is small. Therefore, including different types of text into a single study is necessary to find out the political forces that have influence on the issues concerning the Finnish citizen abroad.

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110491
Author(s):  
Abbas Keshavarz Shokri ◽  
Jabbar Shojaei

The collapse of the Mubarak regime on 25 January 2011 marked the beginning of profound discursive challenges in Egypt. Following the January Revolution, the political forces and discourses long suppressed by Mubarak finally felt free to participate in the political struggles of the time, and attempted to lead the charge in the rebuilding and reorganizing process of Egyptian society. To shed light on the origin and characteristics of these discourses, attempts have been made in this paper to explain through discourse analysis the four major political discourses in today’s Egypt: democratic Islamism, authoritarian Islamism, secular democracy, and secular authoritarianism, and also to identify the political groups representing each discourse, their target groups, the method of their argumentation, and finally their proposed political agenda. To explain these discourses, the a posteriori discourse method is used, i.e. identifying the history of the formation of components and features of discourses. To this end, the discourse analysis of theorists such as Foucault and Van Dyke has been used to examine political discourses in Egypt. The factors used to examine the discourses are: discourse producers, discourse audiences, discourse content, and discourse actions.


Author(s):  
Johan Eriksson

What is “threat framing”? It concerns how something or someone is perceived, labeled, and communicated as a threat to something or someone. The designation “threat,” notably, belongs to the wider family of negative concerns such as danger, risk, or hazard. Research on threat framing is not anchored in a single or specific field but rather is scattered across three separate and largely disconnected bodies of literature: framing theory, security studies, and crisis studies. It is noteworthy that whereas these literatures have contributed observations on how and under what consequences something is framed as a threat, none of them have sufficiently problematized the concept of threat. Crisis analysis considers the existence or perception of threat essential for a crisis to emerge, along with a perception of urgency and uncertainty, yet crisis studies focus on the meaning of “crisis” without problematizing the concept of threat. Likewise, security studies have spent a lot of ink defining “security,” typically understood as the “absence of threat,” but leave the notion of “threat” undefined. Further, framing theory is concerned with “problem definition” as a main or first function of framing but generally pays little or no attention to the meaning of “threat.” Moreover, cutting across these bodies of literature is the distinction between constructivist and rationalist approaches, both of which have contributed to the understanding of threat framing. Constructivist analyses have emphasized how threat framing can be embedded in a process of socialization and acculturation, making some frames appear normal and others highly contested. Rationalist approaches, on the other hand, have shown how threat framing can be a conscious strategic choice, intended to accomplish certain political effects such as the legitimization of extraordinary means, allocation of resources, or putting issues high on the political agenda. Although there are only a handful of studies explicitly combining insights across these fields, they have made some noteworthy observations. These studies have shown for example how different types of framing may fuel amity or enmity, cooperation, or conflict. These studies have also found that antagonistic threat frames are more likely to result in a securitizing or militarizing logic than do structural threat frames. Institutionalized threat frames are more likely to gain and maintain saliency, particularly if they are associated with policy monopolies. In the post-truth era, however, the link between evidence and saliency of frames is weakened, leaving room for a much more unpredictable politics of framing.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 39-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marlène Laruelle

In Kyrgyzstan, nationalism combines a narrative on the titular ethnic group and its relation to a civic, state-based, identity, feelings of imperiled sovereignty, and a rising electorate agenda for political forces. Nationalism has therefore become the engine of an interpretative framework for Kyrgyzstan’s failures and enables the society indirectly to formulate its perception of threat, both on the Uzbek and Kyrgyz sides. To this end, this article first analyzes the double identity narrative, civic and ethnic, of Akayev’s regime, followed by the transformation toward a more ethno-centered Kyrgyz patriotism under Bakiyev, the growing role of the theme of imperiled sovereignty—which culminated with the events in Osh—and how nationalism is today becoming a key element of the political agenda and the public scene.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Hardy ◽  
Julie Sevenans

The political agenda-setting effect of media storms. A story-level analysis The political agenda-setting effect of media storms. A story-level analysis This paper studies the political agenda-setting effect of media storms. Over an eight-year period (2001-2008), it examines the extent to which media storms in Belgium (Flanders) led to action in the Belgian federal Parliament. It then compares the agenda-setting effect of those media storms with the effect of a random sample of general (‘non-storm’) news coverage. Quantitative story-level analyses show that media storms, more than non-storms, lead to political reaction. In particular, they generate more consequential types of political reaction such as mentions by the Prime Minister or bills. However, an in-depth look at those instances where media storms led to the initiation of a bill, nuances these findings, in the sense that media storms not often lead to ‘new’ bills; rather, they accelerate or highlight the existing legislative process. Politicians strategically use media storms as a ‘window of opportunity’ to get their bills on the political agenda.


2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 561-578 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheri Berman

The current economic crisis has once again bought debates about capitalism and globalization to the forefront of the political agenda. Until very recently almost everyone seemed to be convinced that the world was at the dawn of a new era. Yet, the issue at the heart of globalization debates—whether political forces can dominate economic ones or must bow before them—is not new at all. I show that many of the great ideological and political battles of the last century were fought over precisely this ground, and argue that because we have forgotten or misunderstood these earlier debates our current discourse is thin and impoverished. To understand where we are and where we are going, we have to first step back and look closely at where we have been.


Author(s):  
O.V. Timofeeva

The article attempts to analyze the political agenda of modern Poland and Romania on issues related to the choice of a traditional or Western value system. Attention is paid to the main aspects and sides of the discussion about the values in the studied states. The political agenda is analyzed in the article on the example of legislation adopted under the influence of various political forces in the regions, media materials, discussions of political leaders, analytical materials. Factors are identified that determine the similarity of political processes in these countries, as well as circumstances that contribute to radical differences in individual areas of political development. The author concludes that the vectors of political development of the countries selected for analysis are similar, the general commitment of society is more traditional than Western values, however, she notes that over the past three decades the significance of Western ideals has increased markedly. She also points to the differences, some of which are associated with historical differences and the resulting chronological mismatch.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 184-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreja Wirz ◽  
Klaus G. Melchers ◽  
Stefan Schultheiss ◽  
Martin Kleinmann

Previous studies have found that factors that improved assessment center (AC) construct-related validity also had beneficial effects on criterion-related validity. However, some factors might have diverging effects on construct- and criterion-related validity. Accordingly, we followed recent calls to evaluate construct- and criterion-related validity of ACs simultaneously by examining the effects of exercise similarity on both aspects of validity within a single study. Data were collected in an AC (N = 92) that consisted of two different types of exercises. Convergent validity was better for similar exercises than it was for dissimilar exercises. However, regarding criterion-related validity, we did not find differences between similar and dissimilar exercises. Hence, this study revealed that improvements in AC construct-related validity are not necessarily paralleled by improvements in criterion-related validity.


Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.


wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


2019 ◽  
pp. 512-519
Author(s):  
Teymur Dzhalilov ◽  
Nikita Pivovarov

The published document is a part of the working record of The Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee on May 5, 1969. The employees of The Common Department of the CPSU Central Committee started writing such working records from the end of 1965. In contrast to the protocols, the working notes include speeches of the secretaries of the Central Committee, that allow to deeper analyze the reactions of the top party leadership, to understand their position regarding the political agenda. The peculiarity of the published document is that the Secretariat of the Central Committee did not deal with the most important foreign policy issues. It was the responsibility of the Politburo. However, it was at a meeting of the Secretariat of the Central Committee when Brezhnev raised the question of inviting G. Husák to Moscow. The latter replaced A. Dubček as the first Secretary of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969. As follows from the document, Leonid Brezhnev tried to solve this issue at a meeting of the Politburo, but failed. However, even at the Secretariat of the Central Committee the Leonid Brezhnev’s initiative at the invitation of G. Husák was not supported. The published document reveals to us not only new facets in the mechanisms of decision-making in the CPSU Central Committee, the role of the Secretary General in this process, but also reflects the acute discussions within the Soviet government about the future of the world socialist systems.


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