Statistics as a Tool for Information Wars

Vestnik NSUEM ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 114-121
Author(s):  
M. V. Karmanov ◽  
O. A. Zolotareva

In the twenty-first century, information wars have become so widespread that it makes no sense to hush up their role in shaping public opinion. Objectively, it is necessary to recognize that the contradictions within any society that arise for a variety of reasons can undermine stability, plunge the state into a zone of «high turbulence» with uncertain but clearly negative consequences. Statistics, providing specific digital information, allows you to generate, change, maintain, public opinion, to form a worldview and value orientations. In this regard, it is of great interest to analyze the place and role of statistics in conducting information campaigns aimed at achieving national interests of both individual countries and their unions.

Author(s):  
Stéphane A. Dudoignon

Since 2002, Sunni jihadi groups have been active in Iranian Baluchistan without managing to plunge the region into chaos. This book suggests that a reason for this, besides Tehran’s military responses, has been the quality of Khomeini and Khamenei’s relationship with a network of South-Asia-educated Sunni ulama (mawlawis) originating from the Sarbaz oasis area, in the south of Baluchistan. Educated in the religiously reformist, socially conservative South Asian Deoband School, which puts the madrasa at the centre of social life, the Sarbazi ulama had taken advantage, in Iranian territory, of the eclipse of Baluch tribal might under the Pahlavi monarchy (1925-79). They emerged then as a bulwark against Soviet influence and progressive ideologies, before rallying to Khomeini in 1979. Since the turn of the twenty-first century, they have been playing the role of a rampart against Salafi propaganda and Saudi intrigues. The book shows that, through their alliance with an Iranian Kurdish-born Muslim-Brother movement and through the promotion of a distinct ‘Sunni vote’, they have since the early 2000s contributed towards – and benefitted from – the defence by the Reformist presidents Khatami (1997-2005) and Ruhani (since 2013) of local democracy and of the minorities’ rights. They endeavoured to help, at the same time, preventing the propagation of jihadism and Sunni radicalisation to Iran – at least until the ISIS/Daesh-claimed attacks of June 2017, in Tehran, shed light on the limits of the Islamic Republic’s strategy of reliance on Deobandi ulama and Muslim-Brother preachers in the country’s Sunni-peopled peripheries.


Author(s):  
E. G. Ponomareva

The processes of globalization have determined significant changes in the prerogatives of nation states. In the twenty-first century the state no longer acts as a sole subject having a monopoly of integrating the interests of large social communities and representing them on the world stage. An ever increasing role in the global political process is played by transnational and supranational participants. However, despite the uncertainty and ambiguity of the ways of the development of the modern world, it can be argued that in the foreseeable future it is the states that will maintain the role of the main actors in world politics and bear the responsibility for global security and development. All this naturally makes urgent the issues related to the search for optimal models of nation state development. The article analyzes approaches to understanding patterns, problems and prospects of the development of this institution existing in modern political science. These include the concept of "dimensionality" based on the parameters of scale (the size of the territory) of the states and their functions in the international systems, as well as the "political order". In the latter case the paper analyzes four models: the nation-state, statenation, consociation, quasi-state. The author's position consists in the substantiation of the close dependence of the success of a model of the state on its inner nature, i.e. statehood. On the basis of the elaborated approach the author understands statehood as "the result of historical, economic, political and foreign policy activity of a particular society in order to create a relatively rigid political framework that provides spatial, institutional and functional unity, that is, the condition of the society’s own state, national political system." Thus statehood acts as a qualitative feature of the state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 201-208
Author(s):  
Conor McCarthy

The Conclusion restates the book’s four key arguments. Firstly, legal exclusion in various related forms is a tactic of power. Secondly, legal exclusion is an enduring phenomenon, alive and well in disturbing new combinations in the twentieth and twenty-first century West. Thirdly, exclusion from law is a shared concern for the literature of outlawry and the literature of espionage, and hence a key theme in a range of writings about the state and its actions from the Middle Ages to the present day. Finally, the role of literature here is often to offer critique: in offering such critique it shares with law a demand for justice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 85 ◽  
pp. 71-107
Author(s):  
Penelope J.E. Davies

In a well-known passage, the Greek historian Polybius, writing in the mid-second century BC, attributes Rome's success as a republic to a perfect balance of power between its constituent elements, army, senate and people (Histories6.11); and indeed, the Republic's long survival was an achievement worth explaining. On another note, over a century later, Livy remarked how Republican Rome, with its rambling street plan and miscellany of buildings, compared unfavourably with the magnificent royal cities of the eastern Mediterranean; he put this down to hasty rebuilding after a great Gallic conflagration around 390 BC. Few scholars now accept his explanation. A handful of scholars argue for underlying rationales, usually when setting up the early city as a foil for its transformation under Augustus and subsequent emperors, and their conclusions tend towards characterizing the city's design as an unintended corollary to the annual turnover of magistrates. This article, likewise, argues for the role of government in the city's appearance; but it contends that the state of Republican urbanism was deliberate. A response, of sorts, to both ancient authors' observations, it addresses how provisions to ensure equilibrium in one of the Republic's components, the senatorial class, in the interests of preserving the res publica, came at a vital cost to the city's architectural evolution. These provisions took the form of intentional constraints (on time and money), to prevent élite Romans from building like, and thus presenting themselves as, Mediterranean monarchs. Painting with a broad chronological stroke, it traces the tension between the Roman Republic in its ideal state and the physical city, exploring the strategies élite Romans developed to work within the constraints. Only when unforeseen factors weakened the state's power to self-regulate could the built city flourish and, in doing so, further diminish the state. Many of these factors — such as increased wealth in the second century and the first-century preponderance of special commands — are known; to these, this article argues, should be added the development of concrete.


Author(s):  
Mark Rush

This article discusses the evolution of U.S. civil rights and civil liberties through the lens of Supreme Court decisions. It traces the evolution of negative rights against the state and positive liberties from nineteenth-century property rights decisions through early-twenty-first century decisions regarding same-sex marriage. It also traces the shift in the Court’s approach to rights cases from one in which the state is regarded as a threat to individual rights to one in which the state plays a complex role of balancing rights claims. As well, the article demonstrates that rights claims and cases have become more complex as notions of the “public interest” become more contested when the pursuit of general interests has a disproportionate effect on the interests of particular social groups.


Author(s):  

The paper gives outcomes of the analysis of channel reformations that occurred within the Argun River border reach during the second half of ХХ – early ХХI century; negative consequences associated with the state border position change have been noted, the role of the main anthropogenic factors that influence the channel natural regime has been assessed.


Author(s):  
Alexander Sukhodolov ◽  
Anna Bychkova

The purpose of the article is to provide a review on the monograph. The authors point out a high theoretical level of the research presented in the monograph and its complex character. The object of the research is the system of normative-institutional and interactive political-legal technologies of interaction between the state authorities and mass media. These technologies include political means of mobilizing public and private media used by the state in order to prevent real threats to the national safety of the country. The review contains a structural analysis of the monograph and evaluates its content. It also gives an overview of the authors’ doctrine perception of freedom of speech and mediasecurity, as well as their vision of the forms of nowadays’ journalism, guarantees of Russia’s national interests security in the information environment, and problems of assessing the efficiency of informational impact on public opinion and national safety.


Author(s):  
Dragan Novaković

Complex processes which enabled Albanians to gain full control over a unifi ed and centralized Islamic Community in the Socialist Yugoslavia are presented in this work. Islamic Community’s decision to align its organization with the state’s organization model provided by the Constitution and to establish its central bodies on the basis of equal representation of all council territories which coincided with the administrative boundaries of the republics of that time enabled the Albanians to obtain absolute majority in the bodies at the highest level. For years the established domination presented no problem because the Albanian representatives were cooperative and unwilling to challenge the supremacy of the Muslims, but when the disintegration crisis of the state began to unravel, it resurfaced with a dramatic twist. Abandoning its initial neutrality, the Islamic Community in the fi rst phase openly supported one side demanding disintegration of the state and in the second phase, breaking up of Serbia’s territorial integrity and creation of an independent Kosovo. These activities clearly indicate that the Albanian factor had acted premeditatedly when taking control of the Islamic Community as a whole and that it had taken advantage of favourable historical circumstances using the Islamic Community as a lever to pursue the projected national interests that were to be materialized through the fi nal status of Kosovo and Metohija.


2021 ◽  
Vol - (3) ◽  
pp. 47-63
Author(s):  
Anatoliy Yermolenko

The article examines the problems of philosophy development in Ukraine during the thirty years of independence; an attempt is made to periodize this development. It is shown that the independence of Ukraine, in addition to the state, political and economic dimensions, also contains a spiritual component associated with religious, cultural, linguistic, and ideological independence. The key here was independence from the Moscow Church and creating an autocephalous Orthodox Church in Ukraine. Nevertheless, since, according to the Constitution of Ukraine, no ideology can be recognized by the state as mandatory, spiritual independence is also a secular category and presupposes worldview and philosophical independence. The article highlights several stages of the creation of philosophical independence. First, the first stage required overcoming the ideologically biased philosophy of Russian Marxism, that is, Marxism-Leninism. The second stage is the involvement of Ukrainian philosophy in the models of modern world philosophy, the assimilation of its leading trends and paradigmatic complexes. The role of translations of philosophical classics and modern philosophical literature in entering philosophy into world philosophical thought in Ukraine is also shown. Finally, the third stage is related to solving the critical problems of our time, related to globalization, ecological crisis, universalism and particularism in ethics, ethical reclamation of modern society, etc. The article also deals with the role of philosophy and philosophical education in substantiating the value orientations of the development of Ukrainian society, the formation of communicative, moral, professional competencies of citizens as a factor in the civilizational choice of Ukraine.


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