scholarly journals Perspectives on the Militarization of Public Security in Contemporary Brazil

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 1118-1133
Author(s):  
Luís Antônio Francisco de Souza ◽  
Henrique Aguiar Serra ◽  
Thaís Battibugli

Brazil still has not fully accomplished procedural democracy, despite being a formal democracy funded on a federal constitution and on an organized judicial system. The country has not been able to foster the principles of justice, peace, development, and equity for most of the population, and the state apparatus is restricted regarding social control, transparency, and effectiveness of public policies. This scenario resulted in the rise of violence, criminality, organized crime, and urban disorder, which has led to the militarization of public security both with the improvement of the military police’s structure and with the presence of the armed forces performing public security activities. This process of militarization has increased in the last two years, and for the first time since 1985, the military managed to ascend to the most powerful positions in the Brazilian government. This article discusses the militarization of public security in Brazil, pointing to the risks of a new and enduring process of militarization of Brazilian society, which still suffers from limited rights and lack of constitutional guarantees. Brasil aún no ha alcanzado del todo la democracia procedimental, a pesar de ser una democracia formal fundada en una constitución federal y en un sistema judicial organizado. El país no ha sido capaz de fomentar los principios de justicia, paz, desarrollo e igualdad para la mayoría de la población, y el aparato estatal está limitado respecto al control social, la transparencia y la eficacia de las políticas públicas. Este panorama resultó en el aumento de la violencia, el crimen, el crimen organizado y el desorden urbano, lo cual ha llevado a la militarización de la seguridad pública, tanto con la mejora de la estructura de la policía militar como con la presencia de las fuerzas armadas en actividades de seguridad pública. El proceso de militarización ha aumentado en los dos últimos años, y, por primera vez desde 1985, los militares consiguieron alcanzar los puestos de poder más importantes en el gobierno de Brasil. El artículo se ocupa de la militarización de la seguridad pública en Brasil, apuntando a los peligros de un nuevo y duradero proceso de militarización de la sociedad brasileña, la cual aún sufre de derechos limitados y de una falta de garantías constitucionales.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas Springer

This study is dedicated to the regional history of the East-West conflict on the basis of the relationship between the Germany military and the Belgian armed forces stationed in Germany. The central question it addresses is which factors were largely responsible for the interdependence between actors and institutions of both armies. In addition to analysing the limited time of the peak phase of Belgian military deployment in the Federal Republic 1946–1990, the book concentrates regionally on the military training areas of Vogelsang in the Eifel and the Wahner Heide near Cologne as military contact zones. For this purpose, the author evaluates unpublished archival sources at the local level for the first time.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-436
Author(s):  
David Paulo Succi Junior

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o modo em que a bibliografia especializada busca explicar o constante emprego das Forças Armadas – instrumento de política externa – em missões de segurança pública na América do Sul. São identificados três níveis de explicação: internacional, regional e nacional. Defende-se que as análises podem ser agrupadas em duas lógicas explicativas – positivismo e o pós-positivismo –, as quais distinguem-se não apenas em termos teóricos, mas também, sob a ótica da teoria crítica, em relação às suas consequências políticas. Considera-se que a compreensão positivista do fenômeno em questão leva a uma subordinação da política à técnica, enquanto as análises pós-positivistas evidenciam o caráter político da escolha de envolver o instrumento militar em segurança pública. Palavras-chave: Forças Armadas; Segurança Pública; América do Sul.     Abstract: The current paper aims to evaluate the way in which specialized scholars seek to clarify the constant employment of South Americans Armed Forces – foreign policy instrument – in public security. Three explanatory levels are identified: international, regional and domestic. It is argued that analyses can be classified in two logics of explanation – positivism and post positivism – that are distinguished by both its theoretical specificity and its politics implications. We sustain that rationalist explanation submits politics to technique, while post positivism analyses emphasize the political nature of the decision to involve the military in public security. Key-Word: Armed Forces; Public Security; South America.     Recebido em: fevereiro/2017. Aprovado em: agosto/2017.


2016 ◽  
pp. 68-76
Author(s):  
István Szilágy

In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. In order to surmount the structural crisis the different political forces, tendencies and governments elaborated various strategies. These attempts aiming at reorganizing the society led to undermining the hegemony of ruling governing block and radical transformation of state apparatus. Progressive and regressi-ve forms of military dictatorship and excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent because of the Brazilian military takeover of April, 1964. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all - economic, political and ideological - territories. The study aims at analizing the diffe-rent models of modernization during the past sixty years.


Thesis Eleven ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 149 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margarita López Maya

This article seeks to explore the relationship between populism, 21st-century socialism, and the emergence of what has been referred to as an ‘ estado delincuente’ (criminal state), in the case of Venezuela. That is, a state structure permeated with transnational organized crime mafias in the executive and the judiciary, in the financial system, the prosecutor’s office, the police, the armed forces, the prison system, state-owned companies, governorships, and city councils, among other state institutions. First, I review conceptual aspects of populism to understand how this served as the basis for creating the postulates of 21st-century socialism, which promoted the institutional destruction of Venezuelan democracy and created the conditions for the unbridled dissemination of state corruption. Second, emblematic cases of white-collar and blood crimes, nepotism and other corrupt activities are discussed to provide an idea of the magnitude of the issues that permeate the state apparatus. To conclude, I provide a critical summary of the consequences of this way of doing politics in contemporary Venezuela.


Revista LEVS ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicente Nicola NOVELLINO

Resumo: Este artigo foi elaborado com foco no papel das polícias militares nas manifestações públicas no cumprimento de suas atribuições constitucionais de preservação da ordem pública. O tema é iniciado com aspectos referentes aos conceitos de manifestação pública, ressaltando esse importante instrumento que representa a voz de uma sociedade e a essência dos regimes democráticos consolidados. Destaca-se o fundamento desse direito decorrente da Constituição Federal de 1988 que assegurou a todos a liberdade de reunião para fins pacíficos e sem armas, cujo exercício não é absoluto pois encontra limitações em situações previstas pela Lei Maior, como excepcionais. Sobre as polícias militares em primeiro lugar é importante mencionar suas competências, conforme previsão constitucional em capítulo específico destinado à segurança pública, para depois entender o alcance doutrinário do conceito de ordem pública e sua preservação como fundamento que legitima a atuação dessas Instituições no âmbito de seus estados. A partir desse entendimento, não só dos dispositivos constitucionais, mas também por outras previsões em legislação específica, perfeitamente recepcionada pela atual Constituição, é possível o inferir o papel das polícias militares e sua atuação nas manifestações públicas com uma função precípua de garante, assegurando a todos, participantes ou não, a segurança para que possam exercer seu direito livremente. Como conclusão deve ser reconhecida a importância das liberdades públicas, e concomitantemente garantir a segurança de todos os cidadãos no exercício pacífico e legítimo de seus direitos. Palavras chave: Manifestação Pública; Liberdade de Reunião; Polícia Militar; Ordem Pública; Segurança Pública. Abstract: This article was elaborated with focus on the role of the military police in the public manifestations in the fulfillment of its constitutional attributions of preservation of the public order. The theme begins with aspects related to the concepts of public manifestation, highlighting this important instrument that represents the voice of a society and the essence of consolidated democratic regimes. It should be stressed that this right derives from the 1988 Federal Constitution, which guaranteed freedom of assembly for peaceful and unarmed purposes, which is not absolute because it finds limitations in situations provided for by the Grand Law as exceptional. Regarding the military police, it is important to mention their competences, according to the constitutional provision in a specific chapter intended for public security, and then to understand the doctrinal scope of the concept of public order and its preservation as a foundation that legitimates the performance of these institutions within their States. From this understanding, not only from constitutional provisions, but also from other provisions in specific legislation, perfectly approved by the current Constitution, it is possible to infer the role of military police and their role in public demonstrations with a primary function of guarantor, All, participants or not, security so that they can exercise their right freely. In conclusion, the importance of public freedoms should be recognized, while at the same time guaranteeing the security of all citizens in the peaceful and legitimate exercise of their rights. Keywords: Public Manifestation; Freedom of Meeting; Military Police; Public Order; Public Security.   


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-149
Author(s):  
Juraj Šimko

Abstract The article focuses on the basic characteristic of military development in the second half of the 20th century. On pursuance of William Lind´s concept or theory of Four Generations of War, the article describes the culmination of the Third Generation of War, based on manoeuver and mobility, coupled with air superiority. The first part deals with issues of US technical dominance in the military, the development of new ways of fighting, especially the airmobile tactics used in South Vietnam. The second part of the article focuses on the specific conditions of the Vietnam War that the US Army, for the first time, had to face while applying elements of the Fourth Generation of War. The final part focuses on the issues of implementing the theory of Four Generations of War into the Armed Forces Academy education to better understand the development of military in modern times.


2020 ◽  
pp. 89-95
Author(s):  
Alla V. Safonova ◽  
Natalia Yu. Eletskikh

The article considers the domestic historical and pedagogical experience of military-political work in higher military-vocational education in the 20-30s. of the XX century: content, forms, methods, means; the historical and pedagogical significance and relevance of ideas for the current stage of the development of military-political work in the Armed Forces of Russia and the reform of higher military education are determined. An analysis of relevant scientific publications and archival sources presented for the first time suggests that the current trend in the development of military-vocational education is correlated with domestic historical and pedagogical experience of the early twentieth century, in the socio-pedagogical interaction of higher military educational institutions with state structures, public organizations for the implementation of military-political work in one of the directions of the state policy of the Soviet state “Cultural links of the city with the village” in the interests of socializing students and strengthening the country’s defense.


2019 ◽  
pp. 74-103
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes

After Hosni Mubarak stepped down, Egypt was ruled by the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF). During this time, a new form of antimilitarist activism emerged for the first time in Egyptian history. Of the three waves of antigovernment uprisings, this one was perhaps the most revolutionary: the goal was not to topple a single person or to hold elections but rather to dismantle the entrenched power of the armed forces. This chapter offers insights into these groups that fall in between the Muslim Brotherhood/military dichotomy. Many of these groups were led by women. After Mubarak was ousted, certain private companies celebrated the revolution in their advertising, but opposition to the SCAF was never commercialized. Despite egregious human rights abuses committed under the SCAF, neither the business elite nor the United States ever withdrew support from the military junta. However, the SCAF did lose popular support, evidenced when mass protests emerged in July during the Tahrir sit-in, and then again during the Battle of Mohamed Mahmoud in November–December 2011.


Author(s):  
Luciano Anzelini ◽  
Iván Poczynok

The national defense policy of Argentina has experienced advances and regressions since the democratic return in 1983. This result has been connected to the dynamics that civil-military relations have inherited from the dictatorial period. The necessity to subordinate the Armed Forces dominated the defense agenda during most part of the democratic period, constituting the core problem of this jurisdiction.The democratic governments implemented various initiatives that underpinned the civil control of the Armed Forces and that also caused, from a normative point of view, what has been characterised as a “basic consensus”. These measures restricted the autonomy of the men in uniform, whether through the demilitarization of civil functions or through the specific delimitation of the martial responsibilities.The habilitation of the spaces required for the exercise of the political administration of the jurisdiction did not necessarily implied, however, that civilians have fully developed this task. The performance of the democratic authorities in the area of defense had its ups-and-downs. At times, these deficiencies were associated to the very restraints of the domestic political conjuncture; at others, they resulted from the planning of the specific agenda of the sector, though.This paper studies the performances of the Ministry of Defense demarches during 2003-2013. The analysis focuses on the conduction of the strategic dimension of the sector; punctually, on the relative responsibilities of the military strategic planning. In this frame, the demarches of ministers José Pampuro (2003-05), Nilda Garré (2005-10) and Arturo Puricelli (2010-13) are resorted to.The temporal cutout of the study object assumes that a battery of unprecedented measures were implemented. For the first time since the return of democracy, for example, an effective debate on the conduction of the strategic dimension of the defense policy was addressed. Nevertheless, for reasons that are object of analysis during this article, the empowerment process of the political conduction survived along with ambiguities and retrogressions that, during the same period, made the absence of solid consensus regarding the results of the sectorial agenda evident.


Author(s):  
Ozan O. Varol

The armed forces serve as the iron fist of some dictatorships. For several reasons, a military whose primary mission is fighting the political enemy within is in a poor position to serve as a democratic catalyst. If the military has taken sides on domestic conflicts and is viewed as a partisan institution that enforces government policies—particularly unpopular ones—it risks cutting its ties to society. As a result the populace may outright reject the military’s attempts to promote democratic institution building. In contrast, a military that hasn’t been mired in domestic conflicts is more likely to be viewed as a legitimate state institution in an illegitimate state apparatus. In times of regime crisis, these militaries remain free of the stigma of having pushed people around. This credibility better allows the military to lead a democratic regime change.


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