scholarly journals VOTING TRENDS IN THE 1986-2018 GENERAL ELECTION IN MALAYSIA BASED ON GEOGRAPHICAL MAPPING

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (25) ◽  
pp. 40-63
Author(s):  
Junaidi Awang Besar ◽  
Ahmad Rizal Mohd Yusof ◽  
Nasir Nayan ◽  
Siti Noranizahhafizah Boyman ◽  
Mazlan Ali ◽  
...  

Malaysia adopts a system of parliamentary democracy and a constitutional monarchy which has a first past the post electoral system which is the determination of victory in elections based on a simple majority. Election results are caused by certain factors and will shape certain voting patterns. Therefore, it is the purpose of writing this article to analyze the voting trends in the General Election (GE) 1986-2018 in Malaysia based on the geographical mapping. The writing of this article is based on the 1986-2018 GE results data, field observations during elections, and the production of a geographical distribution map of GE results for Parliament and DUN by using ArcGIS software and analyzed based on authoritative secondary sources. The results show that there are several geographical elements that can be associated with the results and patterns of voting in terms of location and region. The voting pattern between the eight GEs shows a fluctuation or pendulum based on the achievement of the number of seats in both Parliament and DUN between the ruling party which for a long time (1955-2013) namely Perikatan/Barisan Nasional (BN) with opposition parties such as DAP, PAS, PKR, and others. The dynamics of this support are due to, among others, geographical factors and other factors such as issues, leadership, ethnicity, governing experience, media, party ideology, sociological factors, and rational choice. Therefore, it is hoped that the impact of writing this article can provide a new dimension of dynamic electoral political thinking as well as strategic and artistic for the sake of power and can add more data and research information related to electoral politics and electoral geography.

2022 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 299-312
Author(s):  
Mohamad Fairuz Mat Ali ◽  
Mohammad Agus Yusoff

Prior to the 14th general election (GE-14), electoral practices in Malaysia have been often criticised as being obscure and biased since it was plagued with issues such as dubious voter registers and ballot paper fraud. Therefore, in its manifesto during GE-14, Pakatan Harapan (PH) promised to reform this electoral practice to make it more independent, transparent, and fair. PH then won the GE-14 on the strength of this vow, forcing it to keep its manifesto pledge. However, implementing the said promise is not easy as most of the proposals involve amendments to the Federal Constitution that require the support of at least a two-thirds majority. The fact that PH lacks such a majority has raised the issue of whether or not the objective to reform the electoral system can be materialised. Thus, this article examines the aspects of electoral reform implemented by PH during its 22 months in power and assesses the challenges faced in implementing such electoral system reform. The concept of electoral reform was used as an analytical tool in this article. This article mainly obtained its data from secondary sources including books, journals, theses, official government documents and websites, while primary data were collected from unstructured interviews with authoritative informants. Findings revealed that among the important reforms of the country's electoral system that have been accomplished by PH are improving the standard operating procedures of elections, enhancing election rules that do not require amendments, amending laws that require simple majority support in the parliament, and implementing ‘high-impact’ electoral reforms that require amendments to the Federal Constitution. Moreover, it was also discovered that the main challenge to reforming the electoral system was the constraint of electoral rule amendments that require the approval of a two-thirds majority of parliamentarians. Other obstacles included politicians' unwillingness to accept a new electoral system culture, barriers to accessing data and information owned by other agencies, discrepancies between federal and state legislation, and financial constraints on improving existing hardware and systems necessary for electoral reform success.


Author(s):  
S.M. Aliff

Sri Lanka emerges from this latest election with a hung Parliament in 2015. A coalition called the United National Front for Good Governance (UNFGG) won 106 seats and secured ten out of 22 electoral districts, including Colombo to obtain the largest block of seats at the parliamentary polls, though it couldn’t secure a simple majority in 225-member parliament. It also has the backing of smaller parties that support its agenda of electoral. In the August parliamentary election, the former president Rajapaksa forces upped the nationalist ante and campaigned to win a majority of parliamentary seats with the votes of the Sinhala Buddhists only, but extreme appeals to nationalism failed to get traction in the elections among the Sinhalese. It is fair to say that the double blow against nationalism in the south was occasioned by the politics of good governance promoted by the UNP and its alliance in the election. In Sri Lanka’s eighth General elections, none of the two major political alliances- the (UNF), nor the (UPFA)- gained a clear majority in the election. More important, for the fourth time the fragmentation of seats among the major parties and regional level party has inaugurated a period of unstable coalition governments, creating an air of political and economic ambiguity in the nation as it enters a post- Mahinda Rajapakse era. This study is based on an interpretive approach. The data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. The study examines distinguishes the 2015 election from previous ones and what extent? What are the major factors leads to defeat the ruling party? However, this study argues that the election results are indicative not only of the decline of Mahinda Rajapakse era but also of a gradual transition toward good governance.


2016 ◽  
pp. 57-75
Author(s):  
Chiung-chu Lin

This paper conducts an analysis of the implementation of the new electoral system (single-district, two-votes system) in practice in 2008. It is focused on the research of two aspects: first, the voter’s awareness of the new electoral system; second, the impact of the new electoral system on the political party system. In the research methods, this article combines the analysis of an individual survey data and information on the election results, trying to find an answer to the question about Taiwan’s voters knowledge of the electoral system situation, the factors that affect the knowledge of the electoral system, as well as the issues of the new electoral system’s impact on the change and development of the political party system. The research has found out that: Taiwan’s voter awareness of the current electoral system is not high. The further research into the relations between the knowledge of the electoral system and the voting choice, as well as the control of other possible factors of influence, showed that the voters who have a more correct and clear understanding of the electoral system have the tendency to vote for small parties.From the results of the general information, the practice of the electoral system indeed led to the decline in pluralistic views. The number of effective parties in the parliament has significantly decreased to that one before restructuring. The new electoral system has made survival difficult for small parties, while the rate of the wasted vote in the regional constituency increased dramatically, making it more difficult to represent pluralistic views.These possible problems caused by the new electoral system, also triggered reactions and initiatives among the domestic public concerning the reform of the electoral system in 2015.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 73-88

Electoral laws governing the election of members to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina roughly follow the consociational model of institutional arrangements in ethnically divided societies. The existing laws have been widely criticized since its introduction in 1996. Most problematic is the restriction of passive and active voting rights of segments of the electorate. The legislation makes it impossible for voters to vote for representatives of their nationality or to run as candidates for their own national community. In this article, we want to investigate whether the dissatisfaction of this group of voter’s manifests in lower voter turnout and a larger number of invalid ballots. Analysis of election results in the 2018 election reveals a weak correlation between the share of “unrepresented voters” and voter turnout. Consequently, it can be argued that voter dissatisfaction with the electoral system is not reflected in reduced voter turnout. The opposite is true for the share of invalid ballots. The share of “unrepresented voters” and the share of invalid ballots shows a moderately strong correlation. Consequently, we can conclude that many voters, who are prevented by the electoral system from voting for a representative of their nationality, express their protest by casting an invalid ballot.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 373-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lublin

Taking into proper account the geographic distribution of ethnic groups and the operation of electoral systems within individual countries reveals that the impact of ethnic diversity and electoral systems on the number of parties has been underestimated. Contrary to earlier findings, this study reveals that ethnic diversity spurs party proliferation in countries with both majoritarian and proportional electoral systems, though the effect is stronger in the latter. The insights gained here provide a theoretically derived measure of ethnic diversity that is useful for estimating its effect on specifically political phenomena and generating an improved holistic measure of the impact of electoral systems. More crucially, the results indicate that electoral system designers have a greater capacity to structure electoral outcomes. The results rely on multivariate models created using a new database with election results from 1990 through 2011 in sixty-five free democracies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 25-29
Author(s):  
Oleksandr DROZDYK ◽  
Daniil POLISHCHUK

Introduction. This paper examines the issue of proportional electoral system, its constituent elements and types. Most types of elements of this system are analyzed here, indicating the specific countries that use them. This paper discusses in detail the basic electoral formulas of the proportional system, these formulas are usually based on the quota method or the method of divisors. The use of different methods makes it possible to favor smaller parties or, conversely, to restrict access to representative bodies to weak political forces. In practice, the application of appropriate formulas can achieve the required level of representation. The purpose of the paper is to highlight the impact of electoral formulas and voter lists on the results of popular will. Results. In recent decades, there has been a trend towards a shift from a majority electoral system to other types. Most countries choose a proportional electoral system. The relevant system has the highest number of qualitative indicators of minority representation, by minimizing the loss of votes. According to the experience of the countries listed in the paper, comparative characteristics of each type of proportional system are obtained. Properly selected and implemented electoral system is the key to the proper functioning of all democratic institutions. The analysis of electoral systems is based on modern tasks, such as the formation of authorities by persons with real support in society, increasing the representation of the interests of regions and minorities. For example, with the change of parameters, such as quotas, the order of counting of votes changes, which in turn affects the distribution of different interests in the representative body. Conclusion. For countries reforming their electoral system in the direction of proportionality, it is first necessary to determine the parameters of the electoral formula and the formation of electoral lists, then determine the method of voting. These issues are considered in this paper and give a general idea of the features of the most popular elements of the classification of the proportional electoral system and are justified by the practice of each of them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (19) ◽  
pp. 21-53
Author(s):  
Junaidi Awang Besar ◽  
Nur Ellyanis Mohd Basori ◽  
Mokhtar Ahmad ◽  
Mohd Nizar Sudin ◽  
Mohd Nor Hafis Ahmad Pauzan ◽  
...  

Post-General Election 2018 (GE) 2018 saw 10 by-elections held in the wake of incumbent death, resignation, and cancellation of the by-election by court order. The by-elections include the State constituencies of Sungai Kandis, Seri Setia, Balakong, Semenyih, Rantau, Parliamentary constituencies of Port Dickson, Cameron Highlands, Sandakan, Tanjong Piai and Kimanis. All of these by-elections have a particular impact on the country’s socio-economic and political. Therefore, it is the purpose of this study to analyze the by-election post-2018 General Election in Malaysia. Based on analysis of the by-election after general election 2018 data, field observation and the extraction of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the majority of these polls initially showed a declining drop in voting percentage of less than 50 percent and in the form of a political coalition between UMNO (BN) and PAS. This by-election also followed some electoral reforms set by the Election Commission (EC), and the fulfillment of election promises based on the manifesto of the 2018 GE and the by-elections and institutional reforms. All of these elections show the importance of the role of the authorities in fulfilling election promises, the importance of the voice, the hope of the people being heard, and solving their problems, especially economic and unity issues. This by-election also teaches in terms of effective and wise crisis management, political party preparedness to streamline their electoral machinery, while also motivating party leadership to work harder to win the electorate for the coming GE-15. Therefore, the analysis of the impact of this study is important in contributing to the electoral process, electoral law, guidelines, transparency, political party strategies, and their relevance to the global world.


Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub ◽  
Osman Md Rasip

This article discusses impact of UMNO-PAS political cooperation towards Islamic development in Malaysia from 1973 until 1978. The success of political cooperation in 1973 was the result of both UMNO’s leader, Tun Abdul Razak and PAS’s leader, Asri Muda willingness to explore a new political approach compared to what was being practiced at that time. Both leaders then started the development of a government known as the ‘Cooperation Government’ with the combination of UMNO and PAS in 1973 and later on, the development of the National Front’s (BN) Coalition Government in 1974. The Islamic religion benefits the most from the development of the Coalition Government which is a favourable gain for the Malays in Malaysia. Henceforth, this article will discuss in detail on the impact of the political cooperation between UMNO and PAS within the cooperation period. The methods used for this research is by interview and also by referring to secondary sources which are analyzed in a historical descriptive manner that is normally practiced in historical research. At the end of this research it is established that there are profound impacts to the Islamic religion within the UMNO-PAS cooperation period within 1973 to 1978 for example, the television and radio station beginning starting their programmes with the recitation from Quranic verses, the promulgation of ‘Adhan, alcohols are no longer served in official government’s function, lottery companies are not allowed to promote and announce the lottery results in official government’s media, the establishment of Islamic institution, the strengthening of Islamic education and the appropriate change in the relevant ministry’s symbols. This article can be utilized by subsequent researchers who wish to study the impact of political cooperation between UMNO and PAS. Keywords: political cooperation, UMNO-PAS, cooperation government ABTRAK:Makalah ini membincangkan mengenai impak kerjasama politik UMNO-PAS terhadap perkembangan Islam di Malaysia dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Kerjasama politik yang berjaya dibentuk bermula pada tahun 1973 adalah hasil daripada kesediaan Tun Abdul Razak dengan Mohd Asri Muda yang menerajui UMNO dan PAS pada ketika itu mencetuskan perubahan corak berpolitik yang berbeza berbanding sebelumnya. Maka, kedua-dua pemimpin ini kemudiannya merintis pembentukan sebuah kerajaan yang menggabungkan UMNO dengan PAS menerusi Kerajaan Campuran pada tahun 1973 dan Kerajaan Gabungan Barisan Nasional (BN) pada tahun 1974. Hasil daripada kejayaan penubuhan kedua-dua kerajaan ini, perkembangan Islam di negara ini bertambah pesat dan dapat dimanfaatkan oleh keseluruhan orang Melayu di Malaysia. Justeru, artikel ini membincangkan secara terperinci impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dalam tempoh kerjasama politik berkenaan. Penyelidikan ini menggunapakai kaedah temubual dan menyorot sejumlah sumber sekunder yang kemudiannya dianalisis secara deskriptif sejarah (historical descriptive analysis) yang lazimnya dipraktikkan dalam kajian sejarah. Hasil kajian ini mendapati terdapat impak-impak jelas terhadap perkembangan Islam di negara ini sepanjang tempoh kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Antara impak-impak tersebut ialah permulaan siaran televisyen dan radio dengan bacaan ayat-ayat suci Al-Quran, mengumandangkan suara azan, penghapusan arak dalam majlis-majlis kerajaan, penghapusan promosi dan keputusan judi di media kerajaan, penubuhan institusi Islam, pemerkasaan pendidikan Islam dan penukaran simbol institisu kerajaan. Akhirnya, artikel ini dapat dimanfaatkan oleh penyelidik-penyelidik berikutnya untuk menilai impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS.Kata kunci: kerjasama politik, UMNO-PAS, kerajaan campuran


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


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