scholarly journals Hidden Agendas

1999 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-127
Author(s):  
Shiraz Khan

Modem democratic society is a mixture of centralized state power, a powerfulcorporate/finance sector, a virtually monopolized media network, and variouscivil institutions, the underlying ideological themes of which are the freedomof an individual to participate in the decision-making process and toexpress alternative viewpoints in the political, economic, and social spheres.Freedom has always been a cherished ideal, and freedom of thought a hardfought-for reality which today symbolizes one of the outward hallmarks ofmodem, particularly Western, societies. Pilger's book highlights the fact thatwhen this ideal - in essence the ability of a citizen to think, understand, andplay a meaningful role in managing the public affairs of his own society - coexistsalongside the reality of a set of powerful groupings working toward adifferent agenda within the same society, then true participatory citizenshipbecomes meaningless and democracy a sham. In other words, privileged elitesworking for their own wealth and self-interests become the leading orchestratorsof plans or "agendas" to maintain skewed power distributions, keeping thereality of matters so "hidden" from the public that a smoke screen of half-truthsand propaganda is created, preventing those outside from understanding reality,and therefore, acting in their own interests. These hidden agendas can takethe fonn of direct concealment or by the manufacture of consent (as defined byNoam Chomsky) whereby facts are manipulated and presented in such a guiseas to obtain the firm support of the individuals making up society.To the general reader, the title and subject matter of the book will undoubtedlyhave an almost conspiratorial ring about it, enough at least for most ...

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-145
Author(s):  
Riyanto Riyanto ◽  
Isang Gonarsyah ◽  
Akhmad Fauzi ◽  
Arya Hadi Dharmawan

The main objective of the stuajl is to analyze the political economic and cultural factors aflecting corruption in regional economic development during decentralization era in Indonesia. The research uses both qualitative and quantitative methodology to elaborate the process of policy making in budgeting and in formulating regional regulation (Perda). Three districts were chosen as case studies i.e. Kabupaten Solok, Kabupaten Sukoharjo and Kabupaten Kutai Kartanegara. The results of the stuajl indicate that corruption has already emerged since the begining of decision making process in the executive as well as legislative agencies. The findings show that political economic and cultural factors are strongly aflecting the corruption in regional development in the autonomy era.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-50
Author(s):  
Muhammad Hifdil Islam

Introduction The enforcement of Islamic law in Indonesia has experienced ups and downs along with the political laws imposed by state power. Even behind all that, is rooted in the socio-cultural forces that interact in the political decision-making process. Nevertheless, Islamic law has progressed continuously. both through political infrastructure and political superstructure with the support of the socio-cultural force. Keywords: Islamic Law, Indonesia


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sveinung Arnesen ◽  
Troy S Broderstad ◽  
Mikael P Johannesson ◽  
Jonas Linde

This conjoint study investigates the type of mandate a referendum confers in the political decision-making process. While a majority of citizens in general believe that the government should follow the results of a referendum on European Union membership, its perceived legitimacy in the eyes of the public heavily depends upon the level of turnout, the size of the majority, and the outcome of the specific referendum in question. Thus, whether a referendum legitimizes a political decision in the eyes of the public is conditional upon these three dimensions.


Author(s):  
Will Jennings

“Mechanisms of representation” relate to the organization of politics and its consequences, and the processes through which interests or preferences are represented in the political system and the outcomes of public policy. This article explores a diverse set of mechanisms through which politics is organized, and through which the preferences or interests of the public, voters, groups, and economic interests are either advanced or obstructed. Traditional approaches of political science often adopted a narrow focus on the formal democratic qualities of elected government and the pluralism of the political system in incorporating different interests or preferences into the decision-making process and policy outcomes. Later waves of research sought to explore bias in mechanisms of representation, such as the disproportionate influence of interest groups in the governmental process and the power of agenda setting in determining which issues make it onto the decision-making table and when. Nevertheless, there continues to be considerable interest in the role of formal political institutions in determining the performance of representative democracy, how political parties act as vehicles for representation, and how elections can provide mandates to governments and enable voters to reward or punish political parties or candidates for the quality of their representation or performance. Indeed, a growing field of enquiry identifies a direct link between the preferences of the public and their representatives, either in the representation of constituency opinion or in the responsiveness of the political system as a whole. Despite this pervasive concern throughout the discipline of political science with the functioning of democratic politics, important changes in modern states, economies, and societies occurring outside elected institutions also shape representation, particularly as executive governance and politics has assumed increasing importance. The conventional understanding of mechanisms of representation is built upon shifting sands, with the emergence of the “regulatory state” and the decline of traditional distributive and command activities of government, and with ever more “networked,” “nonhierarchical,” and “transnational” modes of governing—often by unelected authorities. These changing institutional arrangements also reflect a response to the rise of risk as a focus of organization, as traditional social and economic cleavages are redrawn and reconstructed around questions of risk—often manmade, created through scientific innovation or economic progress. These changes point toward the changing battleground for representation both of public and political interests and the increasing importance of understanding questions of bureaucratic politics and control, transnational regulation, the management of risk, and the preoccupation of officeholders with the avoidance of blame. Mechanisms of representation shed light on all these things and more, encompassing the role of institutions in reflecting public or private interests in the decision-making process.


2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 49-50
Author(s):  
Ian Gibson MP

For those outside the Westminster circle, the political machinery behind national politics remains an impenetrable mystery. There is much chicanery surrounding the decision-making process, which often has an impact on policy. You can ask, for example, how evidence is used and whether it is really taken into account. One more minor mystery for many has been the decision to remove me as Chair of the Science and Technology committee. And so, at the request of the Executive Editor of this publication and at the risk of sounding egotistical or, as one reader of the journal Science and Public Affairs indirectly put it, a ‘whinger’, I will attempt to unravel the mysteries that were at work when the chairmanships of the committees were decided, and by so doing, examine the tenuous relationship between politics and science.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (3) ◽  
pp. 921-955
Author(s):  
Marko Zajc

The purpose of the following contribution is to carry out a historical analysis of the role, significance, and position of the critical Slovenian intellectuals in the Yugoslav and Slovenian public in the last decade of Socialist Yugoslavia (more precisely, in 1986). The central focus is on the intellectuals Tomaž Mastnak and Dimitrij Rupel and their standpoints in the context of the relations between the Slovenian and Yugoslav public. For our analysis, the contents published by the media are more important than the decision-making processes in the political forums that we can follow in the relevant archival sources. We are interested in the political history of the public rather than in the history of politics as a decision-making process in the circles that wield political power.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


Author(s):  
Takeuchi Ayano

AbstractPublic participation has become increasingly necessary to connect a wide range of knowledge and various values to agenda setting, decision-making and policymaking. In this context, deliberative democratic concepts, especially “mini-publics,” are gaining attention. Generally, mini-publics are conducted with randomly selected lay citizens who provide sufficient information to deliberate on issues and form final recommendations. Evaluations are conducted by practitioner researchers and independent researchers, but the results are not standardized. In this study, a systematic review of existing research regarding practices and outcomes of mini-publics was conducted. To analyze 29 papers, the evaluation methodologies were divided into 4 categories of a matrix between the evaluator and evaluated data. The evaluated cases mainly focused on the following two points: (1) how to maintain deliberation quality, and (2) the feasibility of mini-publics. To create a new path to the political decision-making process through mini-publics, it must be demonstrated that mini-publics can contribute to the decision-making process and good-quality deliberations are of concern to policy-makers and experts. Mini-publics are feasible if they can contribute to the political decision-making process and practitioners can evaluate and understand the advantages of mini-publics for each case. For future research, it is important to combine practical case studies and academic research, because few studies have been evaluated by independent researchers.


1982 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 7-8
Author(s):  
Richard DeGraw ◽  
Bette F. DeGraw

The Legislative Decision Making Process is an educational role play for graduate or undergraduate students concerning the political and pressure relationships involved in the political decision-making process. The role play reviews the implications of the decision-making processes upon the provision of services by governmental agencies.The role play engages from twenty to sixty students in a simulated budget-making and lobbying experience and utilizes this experience to teach students:1.The values and pressures considered by bureaucracies and the Legislature in decision-making;2.The relationships which exist between clients, community groups, administrators and politicians;3.The various techniques of Community Organization for lobbying and Legislative influence.The role play consists of various groups of students in roles which include legislators, administrators of three major state departments, two minor state departments, parent groups, Concerned Citizen groups, American Indians disabled individuals and ex-clients.


2007 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilat Levy

In this paper I analyze the effect of transparency on decision making in committees. I focus on committees whose members are motivated by career concerns. The main result is that when the decision-making process is secretive (when individual votes are not revealed to the public), committee members comply with preexisting biases. For example, if the voting rule demands a supermajority to accept a reform, individuals vote more often against reforms. Transparent committees are therefore more likely to accept reforms. I also find that coupled with the right voting rule, a secretive procedure may induce better decisions than a transparent one. (JEL D71, D72)


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