scholarly journals RECEPTION OF GRADUATES OF EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS IN THE CHURCH OF THE TOBOLSK DIOCESE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 18TH - THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY

Author(s):  
A. V. Spichak

The author considers the issue of employment of graduates of various educational institutions to places of ministry on the example of the Tobolsk diocese - one of the most extensive in the Russian Empire. Information presented in tabular form indicates the necessary level of education required for specific positions. On the basis of a wide range of sources, the procedure for documenting applications from students of seminaries and religious schools for their placement in the church of the Tobolsk diocese is considered. Analysis of archival materials suggests the presence in the second half of the 18th - early 20th centuries an established set of documents required for assigning graduates from various educational institutions to places of ministry. As a result of studying the documents of the Tobolsk Theological Consistory on the admission to the service, the composition of the documentation for the reception of church ministers and clergy was determined. Historically, the issues of documenting labor relations have not been practically studied. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the fact that the Tobolsk Theological Consistory has not yet studied the issue of documentation on the recruitment of graduates of religious schools: it is the first time it is disclosed by the author in a documentary-educational way on the basis of the involved archival sources.

2019 ◽  
pp. 256-281
Author(s):  
E.M. Kopot`

The article brings up an obscure episode in the rivalry of the Orthodox and Melkite communities in Syria in the late 19th century. In order to strengthen their superiority over the Orthodox, the Uniates attempted to seize the church of St. George in Izraa, one of the oldest Christian temples in the region. To the Orthodox community it presented a threat coming from a wealthier enemy backed up by the See of Rome and the French embassy. The only ally the Antioch Patriarchate could lean on for support in the fight for its identity was the Russian Empire, a traditional protector of the Orthodox Arabs in the Middle East. The documents from the Foreign Affairs Archive of the Russian Empire, introduced to the scientific usage for the first time, present a unique opportunity to delve into the history of this conflict involving the higher officials of the Ottoman Empire as well as the Russian embassy in ConstantinopleВ статье рассматривается малоизвестный эпизод соперничества православной и Мелкитской общин в Сирии в конце XIX века. Чтобы укрепить свое превосходство над православными, униаты предприняли попытку захватить церковь Святого Георгия в Израа, один из старейших христианских храмов в регионе. Для православной общины он представлял угрозу, исходящую от более богатого врага, поддерживаемого Римским престолом и французским посольством. Единственным союзником, на которого Антиохийский патриархат мог опереться в борьбе за свою идентичность, была Российская Империя, традиционный защитник православных арабов на Ближнем Востоке. Документы из архива иностранных дел Российской Империи, введены в научный оборот впервые, уникальная возможность углубиться в историю этого конфликта с участием высших должностных лиц в Османской империи, а также российского посольства в Константинополе.


2018 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-379
Author(s):  
S. B. Manyshev ◽  
Xenia В. Manysheva

The article is devoted to the jubilee of Nikolai Ivanovich Pirogov’s stay in the Caucasus. Based on a wide range of literature and the first time archival sources introduced into scientific circulation, the authors gave a brief outline of the development of anesthesia in world medical practice. The variants and cases of etheric anesthesia in the Caucasus in the field are described in detail. The article also reflects the difficulties that Nikolai Pirogov encountered when introducing etheric anesthesia into medical practice. The authors point to the criticism that sounded towards Nikolai Pirogov and his methods both from the lips of medical colleagues and ordinary military men. Particular attention is paid to innovative proposals in the field of medical care in military field conditions. One of Nikolay Pirogov’s earlier notes on the organization of medical aid on the battlefield is analyzed, in which the surgeon describes a fundamentally important and new method for sorting the wounded. It was thanks to the tireless work of the great surgeon in the Caucasus that ethereal anesthesia began to be introduced throughout the Russian Empire, which greatly facilitated both the work of doctors and the fate of patients. At the same time, he points out those restrictions, which, according to N.I. Pirogov had to be observed during the application of anesthesia in the military field: this is a closer monitoring of patients, as well as the uninterrupted supply of medical services to medicines. The result of N.I. Pirogov in the Caucasus was the lifting of restrictions on the use of inhalation anesthesia in Russia.


Author(s):  
Alina Pidlypska

The purpose of the article is to identify the main ideological and philosophical principles of thematization of ballet criticism by Akim Volynsky. Methodology. The research was carried out on the basis of theoretical generalizations, systematization, comparison, using the chronological principle and culturological approach. Scientific novelty. For the first time, the main ideological and philosophical principles of thematization of the ballet criticism of Akim Volynsky are revealed. Conclusions. For А. Volynsky, the concepts of "mind" and "spirit" were synonymous, which testifies to the effectiveness and productivity of his critical academic modernist (symbolist) ballet discourse, educational, focused on the harmony of rational and spiritual principles of intention. Unlike many contemporaries who professed the cult of Dionysus, Volynsky considered Apollo the highest symbol of spirituality and intellectuality in man. But he argued that the "Apollonian" revival in the culture of that time was opposed by a too strong and all-pervading chaotic "Dionysian" principle. Volynsky traces the evolution of classical ballet from ancient cults and seeks to comprehend its psychological content. He believed that criticism should be non-ideological, artistic, based on absolute idealistic values, which caused a wide range of opinions of theorists and practitioners of ballet art: from harsh condemnation (A. Gvozdev, A. Piotrovsky, I. Sollertinsky) to recognizing the importance of the critic's theoretical intentions for in its time (V. Gaevsky, R. Zakharov). A. Volynsky contributed to the institutionalization of ballet criticism in the Russian Empire and in the Soviet Union, differentiating it into professional and amateurish.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 235-246
Author(s):  
Alexey L. Beglov

The article examines the contribution of the representatives of the Samarin family to the development of the Parish issue in the Russian Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The issue of expanding the rights of the laity in the sphere of parish self-government was one of the most debated problems of Church life in that period. The public discussion was initiated by D.F. Samarin (1827-1901). He formulated the “social concept” of the parish and parish reform, based on Slavophile views on society and the Church. In the beginning of the twentieth century his eldest son F.D. Samarin who was a member of the Special Council on the development the Orthodox parish project in 1907, and as such developed the Slavophile concept of the parish. In 1915, A.D. Samarin, who took up the position of the Chief Procurator of the Most Holy Synod, tried to make his contribution to the cause of the parish reforms, but he failed to do so due to his resignation.


Author(s):  
Анна Леонидовна Краснова

В XVIII в. на основании общего интереса к святыням Востока, а также единой тенденции для крупных монастырей изготавливать гравюры на память для паломников, многие греческие гравюры свидетели русско-афонских отношений попадают на территорию Российской Империи. Сохранились такие гравюры и в Церковноархеологического кабинете Московской духовной академии, собрание которых насчитывает 29 эстампов. Пять гравюр из этого собрания имеют надписи на греческом и на славянском языке. Надписи свидетельствуют о месте и времени создания гравюры, о граверах и заказчиках, являются источниками кратких исторических сведений. В статье приведены выявленные дополнительные факты об этих гравюрах, которые свидетельствуют о наличии церковных, экономических и политических отношений на базе культурных связей между Российской Империей и странами православного Востока. The Russ has always been supporting the relationship with the Orthodox Church of the East. As a result of these connections, we have a lot of icons and other gifts from The Mount Athos, The Saint Catherine’s Monastery and others holy places. There are five Greek engravings in the collection of The Museum of Church Archaeology at the Moscow Theological Academy, which have inscriptions in Greek and Slavic. These engravings were to be spread in Slavic countries. They are dated from the 17th to the 19th century. Some of them were made in Moscow. The images and the inscriptions of the engravings are the subject of a research presented in this article.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6 (104)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Khorosheva

Based on published sources, as well as documents from the Archive of the Foreign policy of the Russian Empire, introduced into scientific use for the first time, the article relates the place of Grand Duchy of Luxembourg during the Unification of Germany. The author analyses the attitude of European states — Prussia, France, Belgium and especially the attention of Russia — toward Luxembourg during the crises of 1867 and after the neutralization of Grand Duchy. Studying German policy over the XIX century in regard to Luxembourg, the author comes to the conclusion that economic dependence from Germany determined future foreign orientation of Grand Duchy.


Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 19-34
Author(s):  
A. E. Kozlov

Purpose. The reputation of the satirical weekly Iskra is traditionally determined by the political context of the Russian Empire in 1860s. Despite the fact that in the first years of its existence, the publication attracted writers of various fractions, views, and convictions, Iskra was perceived as a radical magazine, “…another department of Sovremennik”. Moreover, Iskra’s defamations and attacks against provincial and capital officials, and writers have become an inte gral part of the everyday life of the 1860s. Individual articles and whole issues have been banned and censored, though this policy only promoted and strengthened the reputation of weekly. Later, reflecting the importance of the magazine, the Soviet literary criticism established a typological relationship between Iskra by Kurochkines brothers and the left-wing newspaper of the same name published by V. I. Lenin at the beginning of the 20th century. This article attempts to reinterpret Iskra, implying a “weakening” of the sociological and political aspects of interpretation in favor of the aesthetic ones.Results. The article put forward a hypothesis that publications such as Charivari, Punch, and Iskra can be considered from perspective of modern discursive practices: post-folklore (the phenomenon of variable text and multiple authorship), post-modernity (discrediting the classical heritage or its carnival rethinking) and post-irony (deconstruction of modern leaders of opinion, self-exposure). Based on the study of prosaic and poetic parodies and satire, graphic texts - cartoons and serials (comics), the author analyzes the specificity of the construction and presentation of Russian reality as an anti-world. The article contains fragments of prose and poetic feuilletons by D. D. Minaev, V. P. Burenin, and M. Stopanovsky, many of which are published for the first time.Conclusion. Iskra as a product of the polemical journalism of the Russian Empire in 1860s displayedan experience of a new aesthetics (a kind of anti-aesthetics), synthesizing schoolchildren (cartoons) and decadent subcultures (Baudelaire translations). Apparently, the 8000 subscribers included not only a radical and democratic reader but also a general audience, equally tired of the official tone of government periodicals and the moralizing of the progressive camp. Demonstrating Russian life as the so-called ‘antiworld’, Iskra proposed a version of “carnival liberation”, which was probably reflected in the poetics of many contemporaries: M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, N. S. Leskov, F. M. Dostoevsky. In this regard, the issue of post-folklore, post-modernism, post-truth, and post-irony on the pages of Iskra rather remained unresolved. However, the change in perspective, it seems to us, enables reinterpretation of the previously collected data, allowing us to give a new interpretation. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-93
Author(s):  
Amiran Urushadze

The article analyzes governmental debates on the functions, rights and privileges of the Armenian Catholicoi in the context of inter-institutional controversies. The author attempts to identify and analyze the most influential programmes for solving the “Echmiadzin issue” and their origins presenting at the same time certain aspects of political interaction between the Russian Empire and the Armenian Church as overlapping processes and related events. The history of relationships between Russian state and Armenian Church in XIX–XX centuries shows that different actors of the imperial politics had different ideas about the optimal model of cooperation with Echmiadzin. The divisions took place not only between the various departments (the Ministry of Internal Affairs versus the Ministry of Foreign Affairs), but also within them, where individual officials could hold “anti-departmental” views in each particular case. All this hindered administrative consolidation, slowed down the empire's response to important political challenges and dragged the imperial structures into protracted service-hierarchical confrontations. The “Etchmiadzin Question” and the governmental discussions around it show in part the administrative paralysis of the autocracy and the decompensation of the system of power in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century. The article employs a rich documentary base of archival materials from the collections of the Russian State Historical Archive. These materials are introduced into the scholarly discourse for the first time ever.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 480-492
Author(s):  
Vladimir N. Shaidurov ◽  
Valentina A. Veremenko

General of the Infantry Count G.M. Sprengtporten (1740-1819) is one of the less known historical figures of the last quarter of the 18th and of the early 19th century. As a Swedish citizen, he hatched plans to turn Finland into an independent state. In the mid-1780s he saw in Catherine II a potential ally who could implement his ideas. After accepting the invitation to enter Russian service, Sprengtporten did not blend either in the Highest Court or in the Russian army. Not having shown any significant military feats during the wars of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, he distinguished himself in the diplomatic and lawmaking field. An important event was his mission to Europe (1800-1801), which resulted in the return of more than six thousand Russian prisoners to Russia. The draft Regulations on the Establishment of the Main Administration in New Finland, developed by Sprengtporten with some changes made by Emperor Aleksander I, became the cornerstone of Finnish autonomy within the Russian Empire over the next century. Occupying for a short time the post of Governor General, he became a link between Finland and Russia. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the comprehensive presentation of the Russian service of G.M. Sprengtporten. The article is written on the basis of published sources and unpublished documents from some central archives, which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.


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