scholarly journals E-GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATIONAL GOVERNANCE, POLICY COMMUNICATION AND DIGITALIZATION OF LAND OWNERSHIP IDENTITY (NETNOGRAPHIC STUDY ON THE ISSUANCE OF ELECTRONIC LAND CERTIFICATES)

2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 564-580
Author(s):  
Gatut Priyowidodo

The purpose of the research is to obtain an empirical picture of the factors that cause difficulties in implementing public policies based on identity digitalization in e-certificates. The research is based on e-government theory, identity digitization, and policy communication. Netnography research methods were used in a constructive/interpretive paradigm. Data collection was carried out through the ATR Public Group on Facebook on February 24, 2021, March 6 & 8, 2021. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis and netnography models in five steps: defining research questions, selecting and identifying communities, collecting data, analyzing, and reporting. Data verification is supported by theoretical triangulation to obtain better credibility. The research findings cover three aspects. First, the public believes that agrarian reform is considered incomplete. This opinion is characterized by a variety of unresolved land issues. Second, electronic land certificates, which are the entrance to digital identity-based e-government governance, are very risky. Third, the crucial aspect is that the government is considered unskilled in choosing the model of communication channels for the public. Consequently, there are pros and cons to the e-certificate policy, which resulted in the state’s failure to execute the electronic land certificate rule. The novelty of this research is in applying netnography design that is relatively new in qualitative research and focuses on the virtual community study. Netnography has a strong and prospective contemporary relevance, especially in the world impacted by the Covid-19 pandemic. This research recommends the state to carefully consider the public’s response when issuing information technology-based regulations.

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 393
Author(s):  
Cholisa Rosanti

This study discusses the Covid-19 virus that is spreading in the world and its handling from the government and MUI after the implementation of new normal according to Islamic law. The government implements a large-scale social restrictions system (PSBB) or social distancing to break the chain of the spread of the covid-19 virus. The government has implemented new normal rules. MUI has issued a notice numbered Kep-1188 / DP-MUI / V / 2020 concerning new normalcy that will be applied by the government such as reopening places of worshipaccording to the health protocol. Nevertheless, this circular is a pros and cons for some people. The purpose of this study is to help the public understand whether the government and MUI circulars in tackling the plague after applying the new normal according to the Shari'a or actually contrary to Islamic Sharia. The research method is the study of literature literature with a normative approach and historical approach. The results of the study showed that the rules imposed by the government and MUI in dealing with the outbreak of Covid-19 pacsa new normal did not disregard Islamic law.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jingwei Liu ◽  
Yiqi Zhang ◽  
Yong Hai ◽  
Aixing Pan

Abstract In recent years, with the increasing number of women in advanced maternal age and standardized protocol of prenatal examination in China, more fetuses have been detected with scoliosis caused by hemivertebra (HV). The objective of this study was to obtain the responses of different populations on early detected scoliosis in fetuses caused by spinal hemivertebra through a multi-dimensional survey. A self-administered anonymous web and social media-based multi-dimensional online survey were conducted. Four short questionnaires concerning fetuses with scoliosis secondary to hemivertebra were sent to spine/orthopedic surgeons, obstetricians/ultrasonologists, scoliosis patients, and the non-medical general public separately. Survey items mainly included whether continue the pregnancy, the responses of different populations, whether they have knowledge of HV and what they wanted to know most about HV among the general public group, etc. All the questions were single choice questions, and additional responses could be added if needed. A total of 5586 respondents including 647 spine surgeons, 227 orthopaedic surgeons, 350 obstetricians, 54 ultrasonologists, 246 scoliosis patients and 4062 general public participated in the survey. 41.89% spine surgeons, 25.99% orthopedic surgeons, 6.57% obstetricians, 17.48% scoliosis patients and 19.23% general public chose to continue pregnancy and seek treatment after birth. 4.02% spine surgeons, 7.49% orthopedic surgeons, 3.71% obstetricians, 26.83% scoliosis patients and 14.28% non-medical general public suggested or chose to terminate the pregnancy. 54.10% spine surgeons, 66.52% orthopedic surgeons suggested explain the pros and cons to the parents and let them make their own choices.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-205
Author(s):  
Victorina Z. Tirayoh ◽  
Lady D. Latjandu ◽  
Harijanto Sabijono ◽  
Christoffel M. O. Mintardjo

Asset management in the public sector is important to provide quality public services. One of the important public assets is the regional property that manages by the regional government. Various problems often occurred related to asset management in Indonesia's public sector, especially the management issue that follows regulations. The research aims to examine the management of public sector assets in The Government of Indonesia, especially regional property, which refers to Indonesia's prevailing laws and regulations, namely Government Regulation number 27 of 2014. The research was conducted in Indonesia at the Minahasa District government of North Sulawesi Province. The research method used descriptive qualitative, focusing on investigating the use and utilization of regional property and locus at the Regional Financial and Asset Management Agency (BPKAD) in Minahasa Regency. The data collection method in this research is an interview with several key point informants. The informants consist of top-level management, middle management, and staff of BPKAD, with a total of nine informants. The research findings indicate that Regional Property Management by the Minahasa Regional Financial and Asset Management Agency has been carried out under applicable regulations, namely Government Regulation Number 27 of 2014. Several suggestions were given to interested parties. The limitations of this research were limited to specific objects, only general discussion, and only one case study.


2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elyse Amend ◽  
Darin Barney

Critics paid considerable attention to the Harper Conservative government’s record on science and technology. Cuts to funding and resources in these sectors, numerous environmentally-questionable policies, and charges of information control over Canada’s scientific community served as evidence for many that Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s government and its supporters held an “anti-science” ideology and were engaged in a “war on science.” However, the government continued to make financial and rhetorical investments into science and technology to promote economic prosperity and boost Canadian national identity based on “innovation.” This article investigates the claim that the Harper Conservatives were “anti-science,” and asks whether this label is an adequate appraisal of the Canadian Right’s disposition toward science, or is beneficial to discussions on science and the public interest.Les critiques ont porté une attention spéciale de l’ancien gouvernement conservateur sur la science et la technologie. Les compressions budgétaire dans l’allocation des ressources dans ces secteurs, les nombreuses politiques douteuse portant sur l’environnement, et les plaintes de contrôle de l'information sur la communauté scientifique canadienne ont servi comme preuve pour plusieurs que le gouvernement de l’ex premier ministre Stephen Harper et ses partisans ont mobilisé une idéologie «antiscience» et etaient engagés dans une guerre contre la science. Cependant, le gouvernement a continué de faire des investissements financiers et rhétoriques dans la science et la technologie afin de promouvoir la prospérité économique et de renforcer l'identité nationale canadienne fondée sur «l'innovation». Cet article examine l’allégation que les conservateurs canadiens sont «antiscience» et se demande si celle-ci est une évaluation adéquate de la disposition du droit du Canada envers la science, ou est bénéfique pour les discussions sur la science et l'intérêt public.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 132
Author(s):  
Tri Pranadji

<strong>English</strong><br />Currently, almost every single ‘conflict’ in the society is followed by demonstration. It seems that the demonstration is a popular trend after the New Order era and more specifically such fenomenon has been reflected in the modern democracy life of the society.  Understanding about democracy is heavily depending on the eliteness maturity of someone (politic, economy, and government)  In the present ‘transitional situation’ and the absence of the ideal socio-culture-politic level, understanding about democracy will invite pros and cons among the concerned people. To express disagreement on certain public policies through demonstration could be accepted because it is in lione with “democracy”.  However, such protest along with anarchy actions and radicalism should create undesirable situation.affecting the public.  Traditionally, protest (by the people) which is responded wisely (by the government) has been long time exist within the old society (such as Java’s kingdom in the past, 16-19 century), long before the “westernization” of Indonesian community.  Coping with demonstration is no less than good attitude responses, and far from enemy impression.  Good communication and compromise based on respectful between the two sides will open an elegant solution and parallel with the constitution objectives. <br /><br />  <br /><strong>Indonesian</strong><br />Dewasa ini hampir setiap terjadi “perselisihan” di masyarakat diikuti dengan aksi unjuk rasa dari pihak yang merasa dikalahkan. Aksi unjuk rasa setelah tumbangnya Orde Baru seakan-akan telah menjadi hal yang trendy dan dinilai sebagai cerminan kehidupan peradaban masyarakat modern yang demokratis. Pemaknaan terhadap istilah demokrasi sangat tergantung pada kematangan elit (politik, ekonomi dan pemerintah) dalam memahami demokrasi. Dalam situasi “transisional” dan belum ditemukannya bentuk ideal tatanan sosio-budaya-politik sesuai amanat konstitusi pemaknaan terhadap istilah demokrasi akan mengundang pro dan kontra. Sebagai bagian dari ekpresi tidak setuju dan protes terhadap kebijakan publik, di satu sisi aksi unjuk rasa merupakan hal yang dapat diterima dan sejalan dengan tuntutan “demokrasi”; namun di sisi lain tidak jarang aksi ini diikuti dengan tindakan anarkhis dan radikalisme yang menimbulkan suasana mencekam di ruang publik. Aksi unjuk rasa secara santun (oleh rakyat) dan disikapi secara arif (oleh penguasa) telah dikenal dalam tatanan masyarakat tradisi (misalnya dalam masyarakat kerajaan di Jawa pada abad 16-19), jauh sebelum peradaban demokrasi barat (“westernisasi”) merasuki kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia. Penanganan aksi unjuk rasa yang baik adalah dengan dilandaskan pada sikap yang jauh dari saling bermusuhan, antara pengunjuk rasa dan sasaran atau yang menangani pengunjuk rasa. Melalui musyawarah yang dilandaskan pada sikap saling menghormati akan membuka jalan penyelesaian yang elegan (dan sejalan dengan tujuan konstitusi) terhadap aksi unjuk rasa.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-514
Author(s):  
Supriyadi Supriyadi

Pelaksanaan Pilkada serentak tahun 2020 kembali dilaksanakan setelah sebelumnya mengalami penundaan. Pemerintah memutuskan untuk melaksanakan Pilkada pada bulan Desember 2020, dengan mengeluarkan Perpu No. 2 Tahun 2020. Langkah yang diambil Pemerintah melahirkan pro dan kontra dikalangan masyarakat termasuk penye-lenggara, hal tersebut sangat rasional mengingat keadaan penyebaran Covid-19 masih terus mengalami peningkatan. Disadari atau tidak, kebijakan tersebut menguji eksistensi nilai mulia dari tujuan hukum yakni keadilan. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan, pendekatan konsep dan pendekatan teori. Adapun hasil penelitian ialah: Pertama, Perppu No. 2 Tahun 2020 tidak mengatur terkait dengan metode dan pelaksanaan Pilkada saat pandemi melainkan hanya mengatur waktu pemungutan suara. Kedua, terdapat beberapa tahapan yang menyulitkan pemilih, penyelenggara dan peserta yakni tahapan pemuktahiran data, pencalonan bagi calon peraseorangan dan tidak adanya kampanye dalam bentuk rapat umum. Ketiga, mekanisme penanganan pelanggaran Pilkada tetap mengacu pada metode saat keadaan normal. Switching the Value of Handling Local Election 2020 in the Middle of Pandemi Covid-19  The implementation of the simultaneous regional elections in 2020 was held after previously experiencing delays. The government decided to carry out the Pilkada (electiosn) in December 2020, by issuing Perpu No. 2 of 2020. The steps taken by the Government resulted in pros and cons among the public, including the organizers, this is very rational considering the spread of Covid-19 pandemic is still increasing. Whether we realize it or not, this policy tests the existence of the noble value of the goal of law, namely justice. This research is a normative juridical study using a statutory regulation approach, a conceptual approach and a theoretical approach. The research shows, first, that Perppu No.2 / 2020 does not regulate the method and implementation of Pilkada during a pandemic but only regulates the timing of voting. Second, there are several stages that make it difficult for voters, organizers and participants, namely the stages of updating data, nominating individual candidates and the absence of a campaign in the form of a general meeting. Third, the mechanism for handling election violations still refers to the method during normal circumstances.


Author(s):  
Taruna Ramesur

With the aim of becoming a cyber island and making Information and Communications Technology (ICT) one of the main pillars of the economy, the government of Mauritius has been investing huge sums of money in ICT projects. For instance, in 2009 ICT investments accounted for 5.7% of the total share of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Given this situation, it becomes crucial to evaluate ICT investments, and as such, the main aim of this paper is to investigate the existing methods used in the evaluation of ICT investments in the public sector and propose a framework for the evaluation process. The main contribution of this work lies in the fact that evaluation of ICT projects in the public sector has remained an unexplored area, and even in the context of the private sector, most studies have concentrated on developed countries. The main results from the survey carried out in the 22 ministries reveal that Payback Period (PB) and Accounting Rate of Return (ARR) are the main financial criteria used for the evaluation. The survey also shows that the major factors, which are prioritised during evaluation process, are the relevant costs, risks, and benefits. Based on the research findings, this chapter also proposes a framework for evaluating investments in ICT projects by the public sector.


2015 ◽  
Vol 41 (1a) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elyse Amend ◽  
Darin Barney

Critics have paid considerable attention to the Conservative government’s record on science and technology. Cuts to funding and resources in these sectors, numerous environmentally-questionable policies, and charges of information control over Canada’s scientific community have served as evidence for many that Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s government and its supporters mobilize an “anti-science” ideology and are engaged in a “war on science.” However, the government has continued to make financial and rhetorical investments into science and technology to promote economic prosperity and boost Canadian national identity based on “innovation.” This article investigates the claim that Canadian Conservatives are “anti-science,” and asks whether this label is an adequate appraisal of the Canadian Right’s disposition toward science, or is beneficial to discussions on science and the public interest.Les critiques ont porté une attention spéciale à la fiche du gouvernement conservateur sur la science et la technologie. Les compressions budgétaire dans l’allocation des ressources dans ces secteurs, les nombreuses politiques douteuse portant sur l'environnement, et les plaintes de contrôle de l'information sur la communauté scientifique canadienne ont servi comme preuve pour plusieurs que le gouvernement du premier ministre Stephen Harper et ses partisans mobilisent une idéologie «antiscience» et sont engagés dans une guerre contre la science. Cependant, le gouvernement a continué de faire des investissements financiers et rhétoriques dans la science et la technologie afin de promouvoir la prospérité économique et de renforcer l'identité nationale canadienne fondée sur «l'innovation». Cet article examine l’allégation que les conservateurs canadiens sont «antiscience» et se demande si celle-ci est une évaluation adéquate de la disposition du droit du Canada envers la science, ou est bénéfique pour les discussions sur la science et l'intérêt public.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-35
Author(s):  
Ana Sabhana Azmy

The government's decision to move the capital of the Republic of Indonesia from DKI Jakarta to Kalimantan has drawn pros and cons among the public. The government considers the relocation plan to provide comfort, welfare, access to education, health and fair and equitable participation. However, moving the capital city is not easy and must go through a well-planned plan. Using a literature study, this article attempts to review how the state positions itself in the relocation plan, and what are the implications for relocating the capital city in the context of economic development. The conclusion of this discourse is that the state is exercising its autonomy in the plan to move the capital city, or what Caporaso and Levine say as a free state. The government remains focused on relocation plans, although there are a number of people who disagree. The government also ensures that the implications of the capital relocation plan are positive for economic development in Indonesia. distribution of economic equality will occur in Indonesia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-185
Author(s):  
Adi Purwanto

The purpose of regional autonomy is to prosper the community by providing good public services to the community. In providing services to the public, the government uses bureaucracy. Bureaucracy thus requires employees with integrity, honesty, and capable. Along with the increasing demands and expectations of the people, the government needs to reform the bureaucracy by removing Echelon III and IV. The aim is for efficiency, effectiveness, and speed in decision making. This new policy makes uncertainty the fate of Echelon III and IV officials. This study aims to find out more deeply about Echelon III and IV reforms at the Environmental Services of Blora Regency. Researchers used descriptive qualitative methods. From the research findings, it was concluded that: a. intensive and dialogical socialization is needed; b. echelon officials who have already approached retirement age, resign themselves to government policies regarding the elimination of echelon III and IV; c. Echelon officials who are young and productive, prefer structural positions because structural positions will get more facilities and welfare than functional positions; d. staff who have the potential, diligently follow the training and have a visionary view, prefer functional positions because if you can meet the credit score, can be promoted faster, and impact on income will increase.


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