scholarly journals Russian statehood in 1917: a change in the paradigm of development (to the 105th anniversary of the February Revolution in Russia)

Author(s):  
Tat'yana Lyasovich

The article examines the most problematic and interesting, from the author’s point of view, events and facts that had a cardinal impact on the development of Russian statehood in the period between the February and October revolutions of 1917. The relevance of the study of these problems is primarily due to the growing interest of researchers in the events of 1917 in Russia as a turning point in national history, as well as the understanding of possible alternatives to the development of the state and legal system of the Russian state at various stages of its existence. Based on the analysis of the complex of sources, the following conclusions are made: 1) the events of the February Revolution profoundly affected the course of development of the national statehood; 2) the republican form of government in Russia in 1917 turned out to be quite a promising innovation, however, the government found complete helplessness in solving pressing issues; 3) the reforms carried out by the Provisional Government in March – October 1917, for the most part remained declarative and were never implemented; 4) the construction of bourgeois republican statehood was not completed due to the October Revolution of 1917 and the overthrow of the Provisional Government. At the same time, the very attempt to build a bourgeois-democratic statehood in the spring and autumn of 1917 had a huge moral and symbolic significance. It was a kind of precedent in the domestic state-legal practice and laid a solid foundation for the formation of democracy and parliamentarism in modern Russia.

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Masdar Masdar

Cash waqf in Indonesia has been long enough implemented based on some rules enacted by government and other rules defined by The Waqf Board of Indonesia (BWI). However, the implementation of cash waqf has not reached the level of success. Therefore, this article studies the application of cash waqf law in Indonesia according to Friedman’s legal system theory. The legal system theory of Friedman firstly looks at the substance of the law, which is the rules or regulations; and secondly it examines the structure of the law, encompassing the law enforcement agencies, such as judge, prosecutor, police and legal counselors. And lastly the theory examines the element of legal culture, which is a response from Muslim society. The first two examinations indicate that there is nothing to be a problem. But from the last examination there is a problem regarding the trust from Muslim society. From the legal culture point of view, the implementation of cash waqf by the government, which is performed by BWI, needs attracting society’s credentials in order to improve and maximize the performance of cash waqf in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Angela Dranishnikova

In the article, the author reflects the existing problems of the fight against corruption in the Russian Federation. He focuses on the opacity of the work of state bodies, leading to an increase in bribery and corruption. The topic we have chosen is socially exciting in our days, since its significance is growing on a large scale at all levels of the investigated aspect of our modern life. Democratic institutions are being jeopardized, the difference in the position of social strata of society in society’s access to material goods is growing, and the state of society is suffering from the moral point of view, citizens are losing confidence in the government, and in the top officials of the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2019 (4) ◽  
pp. 277-294
Author(s):  
Yong Huang

AbstractIt has been widely observed that virtue ethics, regarded as an ethics of the ancient, in contrast to deontology and consequentialism, seen as an ethics of the modern (Larmore 1996: 19–23), is experiencing an impressive revival and is becoming a strong rival to utilitarianism and deontology in the English-speaking world in the last a few decades. Despite this, it has been perceived as having an obvious weakness in comparison with its two major rivals. While both utilitarianism and deontology can at the same time serve as an ethical theory, providing guidance for individual persons and a political philosophy, offering ways to structure social institutions, virtue ethics, as it is concerned with character traits of individual persons, seems to be ill-equipped to be politically useful. In recent years, some attempts have been made to develop the so-called virtue politics, but most of them, including my own (see Huang 2014: Chapter 5), are limited to arguing for the perfectionist view that the state has the obligation to do things to help its members develop their virtues, and so the focus is still on the character traits of individual persons. However important those attempts are, such a notion of virtue politics is clearly too narrow, unless one thinks that the only job the state is supposed to do is to cultivate its people’s virtues. Yet obviously the government has many other jobs to do such as making laws and social policies, many if not most of which are not for the purpose of making people virtuous. The question is then in what sense such laws and social policies are moral in general and just in particular. Utilitarianism and deontology have their ready answers in the light of utility or moral principles respectively. Can virtue ethics provide its own answer? This paper attempts to argue for an affirmative answer to this question from the Confucian point of view, as represented by Mencius. It does so with a focus on the virtue of justice, as it is a central concept in both virtue ethics and political philosophy.


2008 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Budi Darmono

AbstrakThe Constitution of 1945 was not amended for 54 years. Some people evenregarded it as 'sacred' constitution because it was 'untouchable '. Somepeople said that it was not amended because it was advantageous for therulers. This Constitution was, in fact, concise. It consisted of three parts. Thefirst is Pembukaan or Preamble. The Preamble contained, and still containsthe Pancasila, the state 's fundamental norms. The second part is the BatangTubuh or Body. This consisted of only 37 articles of primary provisions, 4articles of transitional provisions, and 2 articles of additional provisions.The third part was the Penjelasan or Elucidation (explanatorymemorandum). According to point IV of the Elucidation, the reason for theConstitution's conciseness was to avoid rigidity. The Elucidation describedsociety as dynamic and volatile, especially in time of revolution. Therefore, ifdetailed matters were stipulated in the Constitution, the state might not havebeen able to keep up with the changes in society. Furthermore, point IV ofElucidation stated that despite the Constitution is concise, the most importantthing in running the government is the semangat or spirit of those who runthe government.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 288
Author(s):  
Syaakir Sofyan

Indonesia is a state based on law and adopts welfare. Thus, the state has an obligation and responsibility to realize public welfare as stated in the fourth paragraph of Undang-Undang Dasar (UUD) Negara Republik Indonesia 1945. In achieving these objectives, the government must play an important role in various aspects of community life, especially in the economy. One form of government intervention, namely in fiscal policy by adjusting the state revenues and expenditures in the state budget. In Islamic economics, fiscal policy objective is to create economic stability, high economic growth and equitable distribution of income, coupled with the other objectives contained in the rules of Islam


2021 ◽  
pp. 125-133
Author(s):  
A. V. Yaschenko

The article attempts to assess the results of the development of the Russian economy from the moment of privatization to the present. The urgency of the problem lies in the fact that, despite significant resources, including human capital, the economy is stagnating, there are no structural reforms, and high-tech companies do not appear. The main thing is not creating conditions for business development on the principles of self-organization: entrepreneurship, initiative, personal competence and investment. Reforming the socio-economic system of the USSR has no historical analogue, and is perceived as a unique practice of testing some theoretical positions and hypotheses that guided researchers and entrepreneurs in the framework of a market economy, for example, the theory of market equilibrium, theory of the firm, theory of preferences, and others. Russia has demonstrated a kind of phenomenon, both from the point of view of theory and practice of market transformations, when it is not entrepreneurship, not the investment activity of business and the population, but the narrowly selfish interests of persons affiliated with the government, began to determine market processes, such an economy was called the «economy of individuals», And in the case of a direct focus on the state budget,» the economy of the distribution». The transformations could be based on the market experience of a large number of countries, both developed and developing (China), this has not been done. Time was lost on the creation of new jobs; in the industrial orientation of the state, there were no priorities for the development of important industries for national competitiveness. As a result, the economic growth was lost.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-142

The great plague of 1665-1666 is one of the starting points for the birth of biopolitics in its modern form. The quarantine measures introduced by the government have been considered effective from the medical point of view since the middle of the 18th century. However, many of those contemporary with the plague were convinced that the state was only worsening matters for London’s inhabitants. The author examines why the plague elicited such an ambivalent response in England and how the disease stopped being a composite object and turned into a “comfortable, domesticated” concept. The article investigates why the moral assessment of those measures has become so different over the past hundred years and shows how the quarantine in London influenced the “hygienic revolution.” Apart from its historical interest, this case is a suitable topic for the use of STS methodology because it illustrates the impossibility providing a complete description of the quarantine process and subsequent medical treatment in terms of a conflict between different actors. In order to understand why these measures have subsequently been perceived in this fashion, the author applies the concept of Lovecraftian horror, which offers a way to describe the situation of “collisions” with the plague. By describing how biopolitics released the moral tension built up by the co-existence of different interpretations of the causes of the epidemic, the author reconstructs the retrospective creation of the myth about the success of the quarantine. He contrasts the logic of “multiplicity” with the unifying descriptions and shows the kind of problems a “blurred” ontology can bring on during a crisis in everyday life. This leads to a discussion of the difficulty of holding onto unstable objects that have the potential for liberation from the logic of paternalistic care.


2010 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Bueno

Abstract This article examines the state project to gather pre-Hispanic artifacts in Mexico’s National Museum during the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz (1876–1910). It focuses on the government project as part of a larger effort aimed at constructing an official national history and image. Through antiquity and the control of its remains, Porfirian elites sought to present Mexico as a modern, scientific, and sovereign nation with a sophisticated, ancient past. They based the government’s right to the artifacts on arguments that rested on appeals to nation and science. This article problematizes these claims. It demonstrates that far from an established science, archaeology was marked by a lack of technique and consensus about the meaning and display of artifacts. In addition, the official Indian past proved exclusionary in several ways. It celebrated certain ancient cultures and ignored others. It also negated the artifacts’ other uses and meanings. For many Mexicans the objects were not national but local patrimony, links to localized identities and histories. Although ordinary Mexicans aided the state, the transfer of artifacts to the museum did not go uncontested, a fact illustrated here by popular struggles to retain objects in Teotihuacán, Tepoztlán, and Tetlama, communities that battled with the inspector of monuments Leopoldo Batres, the principal state official in charge of gathering antiquities.


Axiomathes ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirko Di Bernardo

AbstractThe article aims to provide the main conceptual coordinates in order to fully understand the state of the art of the most recent research in the field of neurobiology of interpersonal experience. The main purpose of this work is to analyze, at an anthropological, phenomenological and epistemological level, how the fundamental characteristics of the recognition of otherness and intercorporeity among human beings contribute to changing the image of nature in the light of a possible new relationship between living bodies, neurophysiological systems and empathy. From this point of view, the hypothesis to investigate is that neurophenomenology, understood as a new evolutionary, multidimensional and autopoietic approach, is capable of probing the preconditions of the possible delineation of a phenomenology of intersubjectivity shaped by the neuroscientific turning point, represented by the discovery of mirror neurons. At this level, the neuroscientific data are interpreted according to a specific interdisciplinary perspective, thus trying to offer a possible unitary and integrated theoretical framework.


Author(s):  
Darima D. Amogolonova

The paper analyses the situation that took the most expressed forms since the late 19th century and reflected strengthening criticism from the Orthodox Church against both the Buddhist clergy and the Russian state. The contradictions between the state and the Orthodox policies were caused by differences in principles, since when giving Buddhism some legitimacy the government was guided by the interests of Russia in the east of the Empire, while the Orthodox Church saw its task in suppressing the influence of the Buddhist clergy through the soonest religious and ideological homogenisation of Buryats with the ethnic Russian population


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