scholarly journals The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as an Example of a Non-Recognized State

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 149-160
Author(s):  
Przemysław Osiewicz
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Northern Cyprus

The issue of Cyprus remains one of the longest unregulated international dis­putes. For nearly half a century of the island’s de facto division, it has been one of the factors destabilizing the situation in the eastern Mediterranean. It has periodically led to tensions, not only between members of the two Cypriot communities, the Greek and Turkish Cypriots, but also between Greece and Turkey, and finally, Turkey and the European Union. The purpose of this article was to present the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as an exam­ple of a so-called unrecognized state and to assign it to an appropriate type of unrecognized states. The selected case was examined on the basis of the attributes of an unrecognized state, formulated by a leading researcher of this issue, Nina Caspersen, and a selected typology of unrecognized states.

scholarly journals Europeanisation, Sovereignty and Contested States: The EU in northern Cyprus and Palestine

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 755-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitris Bouris ◽  
George Kyris
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
State Building ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
International Engagement ◽  
Control Limits ◽  
The Eu

Combining the literature on sovereignty and Europeanisation, this article investigates the engagement and impact of the European Union (EU) on contested states (states lacking recognition) through a comparative study of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and Palestine. We find that characteristics of contested statehood mediate EU engagement and impact: the lack of international recognition limits EU’s engagement but encourages development promotion, international integration and assistance of local civil society. Lack of territorial control limits engagement, but ineffective government offers opportunities for development promotion and state-building. As such, and in addition to offering a rich empirical account of two prominent contested states, the article contributes to the discussion of international engagement by developing an innovative conceptual framework for understanding EU’s impact on contested states—a topic neglected within a literature dominated by conventional statehood or conflict resolution themes but very important given extensive international engagement in contested states—and related conflicts.

scholarly journals Israel's Trade Alliances Strategy: Enjoying the Best of All Worlds

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Nellie Munin
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Mediterranean Basin ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean Basin ◽  
Trade Partner

This article revisits Israel's trade and political alliance with the European Union – its major trade partner. The article examines the position calling to water down Israel-EU trade relations, considering EU's insistence on linking economic benefits with political advancement in the region, insights gained by the COVID-19 pandemic and substantial recent regional developments: Israel's trade diversification policy, the conclusion of Abraham Accords and the discovery of gas in the Eastern Mediterranean basin. Concluding that such a strategy may not serve the parties' interests best, the article explores ways to leverage these developments to further enhance EU-Israel partnership.

An investigation of oil and gas geopolitical situation in the eastern Mediterranean region

2021 ◽  
Vol 05 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nima Norouzi
Keyword(s):  
Mediterranean Region ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean Region ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
African Region ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government

: One of the focal points of the global energy struggle in recent years has been storytelling in the Eastern Mediterranean. Greece and the Greek Cypriot government (GCA), in cooperation with Egypt and Israel, are implementing a containment strategy against Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) in the region. Turkey’s response to this plan was an exclusive agreement with Libya. Turkey and Libya have signed a memorandum of understanding between the government of national reconciliation on limiting the maritime jurisdiction of the new continental shelf in the Eastern Mediterranean - the only borders of the lottery’s economic zone. Greece could act with other countries, and it is said that Turkey’s competence will be ratified in the face of agreements that may restrict movement. The United States and the European Union (EU) also sought to share gas with European countries against Turkey, Israel, and the GCA. This article focuses on Libya’s ongoing competition, given Libya’s oil geopolitics and challenges in the eastern Mediterranean region. This paper briefly investigates the energy geopolitics in the eastern Mediterranean and North African region; this paper aims to conclude the diverse opinions led by various interests and points of view and propose a solution for the ever-growing tensions in this region.

scholarly journals The Evaluation of the Energy Resources of Exclusive Economic Zones in Eastern Mediterranean

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamil Uslu
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean Region ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Exclusive Economic Zone ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Syrian Civil War ◽  
The World ◽  
Economic Zone ◽  
The Eu

The Eastern Mediterranean has attracted new attention on the gas potential in the world. In fact, overseas research in the eastern Mediterranean waters began in the late 1960s with a number of wells opened by Belpetco. With the overseas production of the region in recent years, it has entered the world agenda. However, these discoveries have triggered additional conflicts between the states on the establishment of sovereign rights and the limitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). In 2009, a large amount of energy was produced in the Eastern Mediterranean Region. The resulting supply, economic line in the westward movement, between Cyprus and Turkey, Turkey would reach out to EU countries. Arish-Ashkelon, which supplies gas to Israel, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, has been identified as a pipeline. The other line is the Arab Gas Pipeline. The cooperation with the implementation of the line was met and accepted. But the Syrian civil war has postponed this view for now. When Cyprus joined the EU in 2004, the Sea of Levantine made the European Union a sea border for all practical purposes. In the early 2000s, Cyprus and Turkey's EU membership expectancy, could boost optimism about the possibility of a breakthrough. Turkey should not be admitted to the EU has prevented the solution of the Cyprus problem. Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and made clear that the agreement with the International Exclusive Economic Zone reached 200 Mile limits. The energy source derived from the region, the future of both Turkey and the TRNC will be able to improve the economic well-being. Thus, will contribute to peace in the region.

scholarly journals Northern Cyprus as an ‘inner neighbour’: A critical analysis of European Union enlargement in Cyprus

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Casaglia
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Eu Enlargement ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Union Enlargement ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Turkish Cypriot ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

This article analyses the impact of Cyprus’s accession to the European Union (EU) on the northern part of the island, and tackles the political actorness of the EU with regard to the enduring Cypriot conflict. Much literature has critically analysed the EU enlargement process, underlining its imperialistic features and its problematic nature. At the same time, scholars have highlighted the EU’s difficulties in acting as a political actor and its impact on situations of ethno-national conflict. This article brings together these critical aspects by analysing them in the peculiar context of Cyprus. It retraces the negotiation process and the Turkish Cypriots’ in/visibility throughout it, and presents research conducted following Cyprus’s accession in three different periods between 2008 and 2015. We propose an interpretation of Northern Cyprus as an ‘inner neighbour’ of the EU, because of its anomalous and liminal status, the suspended application of the acquis communautaire, the unresolved conflict and the ambiguity of the border management of the Green Line, the line of partition between north and south. All these problematic features of Northern Cyprus’s situation are examined in detail to identify the unique position of this entity within the EU. In addition to this, and supporting the importance of a bottom-up understanding of the EU’s normative and symbolic projection, the article presents the opinions of Turkish Cypriot citizens about their expectations before and after 2004, and how their ideas and imaginaries related to the EU have evolved and interacted with the process of Europeanisation.

scholarly journals Solidarity of EU Member States During the Migration Crisis. Humanitarian Aspect – the Case of Greece

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Janusz Balicki
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Aegean Sea ◽  
Special Role ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Scientific Publications ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
Of Greece

This article focuses on the solidarity of EU member states with the so-called “front” country, Greece, which found itself during the migration crisis in 2015 and in the following years on the most burdened East-Mediterranean route, i.e. the route by sea from Turkey to Greece and onwards to various European Union countries. Refugees from Syria but also from Iraq and Afghanistan continue to arrive along this route. The destinations for boats carrying immigrants and refugees via Turkey to Greece are the islands in the Aegean Sea including the island of Lesbos whereon the infamous Moria camp still plays a special role. The island which hosts Moria is the subject of European solidarity research with Greece. The structure of this article consists of three parts. The first discusses the principle of solidarity which, like any community, lies at the heart of the European Union. Part Two deals with the migration crisis and its challenges regarding the solidarity of EU Member States from Greece. The third part focuses on the humanitarian consequences of the lack of solidarity between EU member states and Greece. The source material is scientific publications on the EU, information from EU portals and press agencies and their recordings of developments in Greece related to the infl ux of immigrants along the Eastern Mediterranean route along with the author’s own observations of the Moria camp during a visit at the end of November 2019. This article also partly refers to the new humanitarian challenges arising in the context of the situation of immigrants on their way to Europe during the Coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19).

scholarly journals European Union – Turkey: Conflict Partnership

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 7-15
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Shumilin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
South Caucasus ◽  
The Past ◽  
The North ◽  
Formal Framework ◽  
The Eu

Over the past two years (2018-2020), Turkish leadership has demonstrated the increasing rigidity of its foreign policy. This occurs both on diplomatic platforms and through military intervention in conflicts near the Turkish borders (in Syria, Iraq, Libya, in the Eastern Mediterranean, in the South Caucasus). The entourage of R.T. Erdogan openly declares his readiness to defend his interests, affirming a new role for Turkey in the regions geographically adjacent to the European Union. As a result of this policy, tensions in Ankara's relations with Brussels are noticeably increasing, both within the framework of the North Alliance (NATO) and in relation to Turkey's partnership agreements with the EU. The article emphasizes that the Turkish leadership, nevertheless, tries not to cross the "red lines" indicated by Brussels, which allows it to maintain the formal framework of partnership with the EU, despite the growing potential for conflict between the parties. The author of the article concludes that today a new model of interaction is being formed in relations between Ankara and Brussels when the consequences of the internal political transformation in Turkey begin to influence the mechanism of NATO's functioning and its partnership with the EU. K

Greece as a NATO Member in the Longue Durée

2020 ◽  
Vol 703 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Ioannis Kotoulas
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Unstable Environment ◽  
Balkan Area ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Of Greece

Greece entered NATO in order to guarantee its existence against the revisionism of the Balkan communist states during the Cold War. The rise of Greek-Turkish rivalry during the 1950s and 1960s and its climax, the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus, caused Greece’s withdrawal from NATO structure from 1974 to 1980. After the end of the Cold War Greece attempted to form a multilateral approach in its foreign policy and secure its interests in both the Balkan area and the Eastern Mediterranean. The new unstable environment of the early 21st century and Greece’s economic crisis complicated Greece’s position in NATO. Still the macro-historic parameters of Greece’s identity as a sea power confirm its ties to the Atlantic world and predict a possible realignment of Greece in an increasingly unstable European framework that could well see the demise of the European Union.

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