scholarly journals Integrative and Disintegrative Ideologemes in Russian Media-Political Discourse

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 5097-5100
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Quantitative Methods ◽  
The State ◽  
State System ◽  
Semantic Field ◽  
Daily Newspaper ◽  
Russian Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
Descriptive Method

The semantic field of political discourse is based on the opposition of «ours – theirs» which content varies depending on the state system and the power regime. Post-perestroika discourse has undergone fundamental transformations associated with the breakdown of previous semantic links and the subsequent building of new ones. The study is devoted to understanding the ideological system of the post-perestroika period. Within the media-political discourse (on the material of collecting samples from daily newspaper «Izvestia», 1992) the interrelationship of two thematic groups of ideologemes is analyzed: integrative ideologemes and disintegrative ideologemes. The descriptive method, methods of linguo-cognitive and linguo-ideological analysis, as well as quantitative methods are used in this article. We characterized the system of integrative and disintegrative ideologemes that were developed in the early post-perestroika period. Ideologemes are described in accordance with Russian linguist O.S.Issers’s classification. The significance of integrative and disintegrative ideologemes in the early post-perestroika discourse is universal and relevant to each world ideological picture in order to distinguish internal and external state images of «ours – theirs».

Latvijas prezidenta Egila Levita runu valodiskais profils: ceremoniālā, juridiskā vai politiskā retorika?

2021 ◽  
pp. 333-345
Author(s):  
Līga Romāne-Kalniņa ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Frequent Use ◽  
European Court ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
Definition Of

Aristotle’s definition of rhetoric as the art of observing the available means of persuasion is one of the most widely used quotations not only in linguistics but also in social, political, and communication sciences. Aristotle, apart from defining the elements of rhetoric (logos, ethos and pathos), has proposed three types of rhetoric that refer either to the present situation (ceremonial), the past (judicial), or the future (political). The current president of Latvia and his language use is one of the most widely discussed topics across the media and academia due to the register, style, and content of his speeches. Moreover, the president of Latvia has a direct impact on how the state is perceived nationally and internationally; thus, it is significant to investigate the linguistic profile of the linguistic expression of the ideas communicated by the president to the wider public. The current study analyses 160 speeches given by president Egils Levits on nationally significant occasions as well as internationally with the aim to investigate whether the speeches of the president of Latvia correspond to the ceremonial, political or judicial rhetoric because the president represents both legal and political discourse as the former judge of the European Court of Human Rights and the former minister of Justice, and as the head of the Republic of Latvia represents the state nationally and abroad. The study is grounded in the theories on rhetoric and Critical Discourse Analysis applied to political discourse and presidential language and discussed by scholars such as Aristotle (1959), Van Dijk (2006), Chilton and Schäffner (2002), O’Keeffe (2006), Van Dijk (2008), David (2014), Wilson (2015) and Wodak and Mayer (2016). The results of the current study reveal that the speeches are a clear representation of a combination of legal, political, and ceremonial rhetoric and cross various semantic fields that are marked by the use of field terminology in combination with topos of definition and name interpretation to explain the terms directly in the speeches. The speeches by Levits are furthermore marked by relatively frequent use of loanwords, neologisms, obsolete words, and compounds that is one of the main characteristics of the linguistic profile of his speeches. Additional characteristic features are the use of parallel sentence constructions, inverted word orders, rhetorical questions, and pronominal referencing to attract the listener's attention and emphasize the thematic areas of the speeches. Nevertheless, it has been concluded that such linguistic techniques as metaphors, metonymies, synecdoche, or hyperbole are used comparatively less frequently, thus making the speeches appear more formal and less emotional from the linguistic point of view.

The language of the press in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia: Creation of the citizen role through newspaper discourse

Journalism ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rutger von Seth
Keyword(s):  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Critical Time ◽  
The State ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Media System ◽  
The Press ◽  
Russian Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
Soviet Russia

The Russian media system was during most of the 20th century part of the state institutions. During glasnost and perestroika, the media became gradually more independent of the state. However, the subsequent apex of journalistic freedom in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was followed by stagnation and a pronounced democratic setback following Putin’s accession to power. Despite this, the findings based on qualitative text analysis of articles in the daily press strongly indicate that after 1991 readers of the press are being increasingly addressed as active and knowledgeable citizens, a tendency which is strengthened during the entire period of study. Methods for text examination are speech act and modality analysis, exploring how readers are discursively positioned in the sample text material, which covers the democratically critical time span 1978–2003. The findings imply that although post-Soviet journalism itself faces considerable difficulties, a firm cultural ground for citizen participation in society has been laid through changes in press language.

State Functions and Media Politics

2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-349
Author(s):  
Nikolai Genov
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Protection ◽  
The State ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Large Share ◽  
Daily Newspaper ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Politics ◽  
State Functions

What is specific in the efforts of the Slovenian state institutions to handle the current economic, political, and cultural crisis in the country? The answer is searched for in the media representations of the building of a new government in February 2012. The analysis is focused on five major functions of modern states: security provision, regulation of macro-economy, administration, reproduction of human resources, and environmental protection. The source of primary information for the analysis and argumentation is the daily newspaper Delo (Labor). Relevant publications in the newspaper were differentiated by applying two criteria: first, predominant reference to one of the five functions of the state; second, if the article contains no alternative (1) or presents a strong alternative to a given situation, event or opinion related to the state functions (5) on a 5-point scale. The analysis identifies a large share of publications focusing on the administrative function of the state and rather limited share of publications on security issues and environmental protection. The analyzed publications contain only modest efforts to present and discuss alternatives to political situations and opinions. The hypothesis about alleged colonization of politics by mass media is falsified.

The political economics of news making in Russian media: Ownership, clickbait and censorship

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492094196
Author(s):  
Alexey Kovalev
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Hostile Takeovers ◽  
Russian Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
State Agents ◽  
The Government ◽  
Privately Owned ◽  
Media Market

This article explores the dual influence of market and political pressures on journalists and the resulting character of censorship and self-censorship in Russia. In particular, it focuses on how these pressures affect the work environment journalists have to engage with and the quality of news they produce. It also explains the economic and political context of commercialised news aggregation and its impact on the media industry and its workers. A cut-throat media market makes it almost impossible for any outlet to not have to sacrifice some aspects of quality journalism in order to increase its audience. As a journalist with almost 20 years of experience in the media industry, I explore the conditions in Russia’s media market. Even private media owners are often deeply beholden to the state and are as susceptible to pressure from state agents and censorship as are outlets that are directly owned by the government. This can partly be explained by the fact that many outlets which used to be privately-owned and independent have undergone hostile takeovers, including new editorial teams loyal to the state.

Оппозиционность и квазиоппозиционность «четвертой власти»

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
V. G. Bondarev ◽  
G. G. Gasimagomedov ◽  
A. I. Strebkov
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Fourth Power ◽  
Commercial Media ◽  
The People ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Russian Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Modern Russian

The article considers the oppositional and quasi-oppositional or almost oppositional potential of the modern Russian media as the fourth power. The authors come to the conclusion that the modern Russian media sources’ oppositionism does not stem from the illusion that they are the fourth estate, but from the role they play in the system of the relations between the state and the civil society, between the individuals as the members of the civil society and the individuals as the members of the state. The oppositionism of the media is the reflection and expression, and simultaneously it is the symptom of the civil society’s oppositionism. It is its dissatisfaction with the system of the relations that are generated by the modern capitalist mode of production which turns a person into the slave of his needs which are cultivated and imposed on him by the production and the trade. The expansion of the unnecessary wants’ supply includes the media in this whirlpool of the unnecessary for the individual goods’, services’, thoughts’, ideas’ production and by doing so it does become counterpart and hostile to the society. The antagonism of the commercial media towards the society revives the public media, which in reality and according to its social content is now becoming oppositional, or euphemistically described as “the rose among the thorns of the modern times’ morality”. The oppositionism of the emerging media and the quasioppositionism of the commercialized media which, in fact, are cultivating the individual’s selfish opposition towards the civil society, do find its limits of the opposition in the different grounds. The first one finds its limit in the oppositionism of the society itself, in the needs of the people for the change of the existing relations between the authorities and the civil society, the second one does it in the dividends received from the false oppositionism.

scholarly journals Humor as a tool of political discourse: from media personalities to candidates for the presidency

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-116
Author(s):  
Viktoriia Valeryevna Zhadanova ◽  
Alexander Nikolaevich Shirobokov
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
State Fragility ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
The Media ◽  
Production Company

The research is concentrated on the increasing popularity of political context in humour if we take into account the state fragility, identified the manipulative properties of humorous content in general, as well in the research we have tried to evaluate the contribution that ridiculous things in speech make while shaping public opinion. Considering the changes in the sense of joke formation and formats of presenting content on TV by the leading production-company of Ukraine Studio “Quarter 95”, the authors concluded that both satirical and serious stand-ups or politically colored TV-series have a deep influence on the formation of civil position - the attitude towards the media person gains the nature of politically painted trust thanks to sharpness of reflection of real problems which disturb the population. By means of popular culture and television Vladimir Zelensky together with the group have opportunity to recite their citizenship. Above all, the result of the formation of public sentiments by the creative elite serves as a platform for electoral trust. The mentioned idea allows us to state that humor as a tool of political discourse is a weapon that gives visible results in the electoral campaign.

“I'd make thee eat the mischief thou hast vented”: Discourse of Law in Ben Jonson's Catiline His Conspiracy

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Legal Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Gunpowder Plot ◽  
Effective Use ◽  
Legal Procedures ◽  
The Way

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.

The elimination of violence and terrorism in Iraq strategy

2019 ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Terrorist Organization ◽  
The Media ◽  
Causes Of Crime ◽  
Religious Aspect

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.

Fake It “Till You Make It”: Debunking Fake News in a Post-Truth America

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-133
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
First Amendment ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Cutting Edge ◽  
American People ◽  
Fake News ◽  
News Sources ◽  
The Media ◽  
The U.S

Since the 2016 U.S. presidential election, attacks on the media have been relentless. “Fake news” has become a household term, and repeated attempts to break the trust between reporters and the American people have threatened the validity of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. In this article, the authors trace the development of fake news and its impact on contemporary political discourse. They also outline cutting-edge pedagogies designed to assist students in critically evaluating the veracity of various news sources and social media sites.

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