scholarly journals Tracing Media Audience Relationship Through Agenda Setting A Study of Cable News Channels in Pakistan

Author(s):  
Dr. Muhammad Riaz Raza

The aim of this research study was to trace the relationship between media presentations and public priorities. To trace the media and public relationship for media influence on the public through agenda-setting, four issues Pak-US relations, energy crises, and national reconciliation ordinance were studied on two leading news cable channels, The Express and The Geo News Randomly selected news shows and bulletins for a period of one year have been examined to gauge the media agenda while a survey to cable television viewers of two news channels has been conducted separately to check the audience’s agenda on these issues. 156 news bulletins and the same number of prime time talk shows were analyzed through agenda-setting and framing models to gauge media agenda. Results confirmed strong connections between media’s issues salience and the audience’s issue priorities on four understudied issues. Correlations were measured from r +0.66 to r +0.90 with a p-value of less than .001. H1 and H2 have confirmed the strong media influence on the public priorities in ranking the understudied issues.

Author(s):  
Maxwell McCombs ◽  
Sebastián Valenzuela

This chapter discusses contemporary directions of agenda-setting research. It reviews the basic concept of agenda setting, the transfer of salience from the media agenda to the public agenda as a key step in the formation of public opinion, the concept of need for orientation as a determinant of issue salience, the ways people learn the media agenda, attribute agenda setting, and the consequences of agenda setting that result from priming and attribute priming. Across the theoretical areas found in the agenda-setting tradition, future studies can contribute to the role of news in media effects by showing how agenda setting evolves in the new and expanding media landscape as well as continuing to refine agenda setting’s core concepts.


Author(s):  
Hartwig Pautz

The study of think tanks brings together a range of academic disciplines and allows for multifaceted analyses, encompassing the concepts of ideas, institutions, influence, interests, and power. The literature on think tanks addresses a ubiquitous policy actor as think tanks have been around for a long time, especially in advanced liberal democracies. However, they have also become established actors in authoritarian regimes and in the developing world. Nowhere is their influence on policymaking or the public debate easy to pinpoint. The definition of a think tank has been contested ever since the study of think tanks took off in the 1980s and 1990s. Some scholars have devised typologies around organizational form and output, with a focus on whether think tanks are openly partisan or rather emphasize their political and ideological neutrality; others propose that the think tank is not so much a clearly discernible organizational entity but rather should be seen as a set of activities that can be conducted by a broad range of organizations; others again see think tanks as hybrid boundary organizations operating at the interstices of different societal fields. What most scholars will agree on is that policy expertise is think tanks’ main output, that they seek to influence policymakers and the wider public, and that they try to do so via informal and formal channels and by making use of their well-connected position in often transnational policy networks encompassing political parties, interest groups, corporations, international organizations, civil society organizations, and civil service bureaucracies. Think tanks’ main output, policy expertise either in the form of concrete proposals or “blue-skies thinking,” is underpinned by claims that it is “evidence-based.” The widely used positivist notion of “evidence-based policymaking” has been of benefit to think tanks as organizations that claim to “speak truth to power” by producing easily digestible outputs aimed at policymakers who profess to want evidence to make policy “that works.” Think tanks are active at different “moments” in the policymaking process. John Kingdon’s agenda-setting theory of the multiple streams framework helps us understand think tanks as “policy entrepreneurs” who are most likely to have influence during the moments of problem framing, the search for policy solutions, and the promotion of specific solutions to policymakers and the public. Think tank studies should take into account the relationship between the media and think tanks, and how this relationship impacts on whether think tanks succeed in agenda-setting and, thereby, influence policymaking. The relationship is symbiotic: journalists use think tanks to inform their work or welcome their contribution in the form of an opinion piece, while think tanks use the media to air their ideas. This relationship is not without problems, as some think tanks are in privileged positions with regards to media access while others barely ever cross the media threshold. Think tanks are, in the 21st century, challenged by an “epistemic crisis.” This crisis consists of a loss of faith in experts and of information pollution and information overload. This development is both a risk and an opportunity for think tanks. Concerning the latter, policymakers increasingly need curators, arbiters, or filters to help them decide which information, data, and policy expertise to use in their decision-making processes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 113 (4) ◽  
pp. 883-901 ◽  
Author(s):  
PABLO BARBERÁ ◽  
ANDREU CASAS ◽  
JONATHAN NAGLER ◽  
PATRICK J. EGAN ◽  
RICHARD BONNEAU ◽  
...  

Are legislators responsive to the priorities of the public? Research demonstrates a strong correspondence between the issues about which the public cares and the issues addressed by politicians, but conclusive evidence about who leads whom in setting the political agenda has yet to be uncovered. We answer this question with fine-grained temporal analyses of Twitter messages by legislators and the public during the 113th US Congress. After employing an unsupervised method that classifies tweets sent by legislators and citizens into topics, we use vector autoregression models to explore whose priorities more strongly predict the relationship between citizens and politicians. We find that legislators are more likely to follow, than to lead, discussion of public issues, results that hold even after controlling for the agenda-setting effects of the media. We also find, however, that legislators are more likely to be responsive to their supporters than to the general public.


Author(s):  
Teuku Alamsyah ◽  
Dewi Marianthi

Diarrhea is one of the public health problems, particularly in infants. Based on the outcomes of the Aceh Besar fitness service survey, Baitussalam sub-district is one of the districts with a excessive wide variety of diarrhea cases, with a total of 520 instances in the one year. This is due to the lack of exact hygiene conduct related to hand washing cleaning soap in the prevention of diarrhea in toddlers. This research ambitions to find out the relationship between the clean and healthy lifestyle housewives on behavior of smooth water use and waste management with diarrhea in children of Baitussalam Subdistrict in Aceh Besar District, Indonesia. This is a descriptive analytic study using a case control study, consist of 28 moms who have children who suffer from diarrhea, and 28 moms who have youngsters do not go through from diarrhea. This lookup resulted in three findings namely there is a relationship between handwashing with cleaning soap with the incidence of diarrhea in infants (p-value 0.003 < α = OR 3.50), there is no relationship between the use of smooth water with the incidence of diarrhea in babies (p-value 1.00 > α = 0.05, OR 1.22) and there is a management relationship with the incidence of diarrhea in teens under five (p-value 0.01 < α = 0.05, OR 4.50).


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jurnal COMMED

The agenda of setting media is the media directing the public what is the main issue and perceived by thepublic as the main issue. The agenda setting concept recognizes three agendas, namely the media agenda,the public agenda, and the policy agenda. Type This research is descriptive research with quantitativeapproach and survey method. Location and object of research is selected purposively (deliberately) wherethe City of Batam is a city given the privilege of the status of the region that is Special Economic Zone(KEK). The sample was 399 people determined by cluster random sampling. The research was conducted byspreading the questionnaire and analyzed by Rank Spearman correlation. The result of this research showsthat 63,4% of SEZ implementation report in Batam Tribun Daily has high media agenda, 74,2% containshigh enough public agenda.


1995 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 300-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine R. Ader

This study found that the agenda-setting hypothesis was supported for the issue of pollution from 1970 to 1990. Real-world conditions and the public agenda were not correlated for this issue. Additionally, despite the overall reduction in pollution, media coverage has increased. However, for waste pollution there was a positive correlation found between the media agenda and real-world conditions.


Author(s):  
David H. Weaver ◽  
Jihyang Choi

This chapter provides an overview of media agenda setting, also known as agenda building. Although much of the agenda-setting research tradition has focused on how media affect the public agenda, agenda building examines how the media’s agenda comes about. The chapter considers five possible influences on the news media agenda: influential news sources, other media, journalistic norms and traditions, unexpected events, and media audiences. Research to date indicates that there is no one decisive factor that determines the media agenda. Instead, media agendas are built as a joint product of these influences. The chapter concludes by offering suggestions for future areas of research that would refine understanding of the media agenda-setting process.


Author(s):  
Maxwell McCombs ◽  
Iris Chyi ◽  
Spiro Kiousis

The agenda-setting role of the news media is a powerful influence on what we pay attention to and how we understand the vast world of public affairs that lies beyond our personal experience. Subsequent to the seminal Chapel Hill study in 1972, agenda setting theory has expanded beyond the influence of the news media on the public to elaborate the broader process of agenda setting. The scope of the theory now extends from the elements that shape the media agenda to the consequences of agenda-setting effects for attitudes and opinions. This article presents the results of two empirical studies recently published in the United States that further elaborate this process. One explicates how the press shifts its spotlight from one aspect to another of a major news event to build the prominence of that event on the media agenda. The second explicates the implications of prominence on the media agenda for the public’s attitudes and opinions about public figures.


Author(s):  
Alberto Ardévol-Abreu ◽  
Homero Gil de Zúñiga ◽  
Maxwell E. McCombs

The core hypothesis of the theory of agenda setting is that there is a process of transfer of salience from the media agenda to the public agenda. Since its original conception in the early 1970s, the explanatory model of ‘issue-agenda setting’ (first level) has been extended to help explain the transfer of the media’s ‘attribute agenda’ (second level) and ‘network agenda’ (third level) to the public agenda. This article provides a review of the agenda-setting model and its theoretical and empirical development, ending with a section that summarizes and discusses research studies published in this area in the last five years in Spain. Despite the broad influence of the agenda-setting theory in communication research in this country, Despite the broad influence of the agenda-setting theory in communication research in this country, many of the studies use the theory as a general framework for conducting a content analysis, withouh empirically testing any process of salience transfer. Resumen La teoría de la agenda setting establece como hipótesis central que existe un fenómeno de transferencia de relevancia desde la agenda de los medios de comunicación hasta la agenda del público. Desde su formulación en los años 70 del siglo XX, el modelo explicativo de la agenda setting de asuntos (primer nivel) se ha ido ramificando para poder explicar la transmisión de la agenda de los atributos (segundo nivel) y la agenda de redes –o relaciones– (tercer nivel). El presente artículo lleva a cabo una revisión del modelo y su evolución teórica y empírica, para acabar acercándose a su utilización en la investigación publicada en España en el último quinquenio. A pesar de la amplia repercusión de la agenda setting en la investigación publicada en este país, muchos de los trabajos utilizan la teoría como marco general para llevar a cabo análisis de contenido sin llegar a plantear (empíricamente) ningún fenómeno de transferencia de relevancia.


2012 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 117-131
Author(s):  
Adomas Taraskevičius

Žiniasklaida – vienas iš pagrindinių komunikacijos proceso tarp demokratinės visuomenės grupių elementų. Atlikdama visuomenės informavimo funkciją žiniasklaida užtikrina, kad piliečiai reikiamu atveju –pavyzdžiui, balsuodami – priims tinkamus sprendimus, o valdžios institucijos ir politikai taip pat galvos apie savo veiksmus, siekdami išvengti kritikos, visuomenės neigiamos nuostatos arba siekdami didesnio populiarumo ir pakliūti į valdžios institucijas. Kita vertus, elgdamosi taip, kaip ir visi, būdamos tiesiog visumos dalimi, valdžios institucijos ir politikai nėra įdomūs, todėl šios dvi grupės nuolat turi galvoti, kaip sudominti ir atkreipti į save dėmesį begaliniame informacijos sraute.Šio straipsnio tikslas – įrodyti, kad tie politikai, kurie svarstant ir priimant Nepilnamečių apsaugos nuo neigiamo viešosios informacijos poveikio įstatymą (toliau – Nepilnamečių apsaugos įstatymą) daugiausia kalbėjo Seimo plenariniuose posėdžiuose, buvo dažniausiai Lietuvos internetinės žiniasklaidos ir vieno iš dienraščių pasitelkiami kaip naujienų šaltiniai, neatsižvelgiant į kalbos turinį.Straipsnyje aptariami politikų ir žiniasklaidos santykiai, analizuojama politikų ir žiniasklaidos tarpusavio priklausomybė, kokiomis priemonės politikai siekia patraukti žiniasklaidos dėmesį. Tyrimu parodoma, kaip pasisakymų ilgis ir dažnumas svarstant konkretų įstatymo projektą gali nulemti žiniasklaidos dėmesį, o kartu ir matomumą visuomenei.Reišminiai žodžiai: žiniasklaida, politinė komunikacija, žiniasklaidos dienotvarkė, politikaiPoliticians as a Source of News: the Case of Adopting the Law on Minors’ ProtectionAdomas Taraskevičius SummaryThe media are on of the basic components of communication among the elements of democratic society. By informing the audience, the media ensure that citizens in cases like voting will make right decisions, and the authorities and politicians will be careful about their own actions in order to avoid criticism or negative attitudes of society or to become more popular and to get into government structures. On the other hand, by doing so as everybody else and just being part of the whole, governments and politicians are not interesting for the media. As a result, these two groups must always think how to attract attention to themselves in the endless stream of information.The purpose of this article is to show the existence of politicians’ desire to construct the media agenda (to be the source of news) while adopting the Law on Minors’ Protection against Detrimental Effects of Public Information. The article also discusses the relationship between politicians and the media, the interdependence between politicians and the media. The author also shows how politicians try to atract the media by adopting laws and how the length and frequency of politicians’ speeches during the reading of a particular law can attract the attention of the media and thus of the public.


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