scholarly journals IDENTITIES AND CONCEPTIONS OF BORDER AREA POPULATIONS IN EAST-CENTRAL AND SOUTH-EAST EUROPE – THEMATIC ASPECTS AND QUESTIONS OF AN ACTUAL RESEARCH FIELD

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wilfried HELLER

This article will be structured as follows: Firstly, it will be described what is to be understood by the term "identity". After that, this article will explore the significance of the topic "identities of population" regarding the political, social, economic and cultural developments in the border areas of East-Central and South-East Europe. Because identities are not essentially but constructed phenomena, the next chapter will deal with the role of conceptions of the border area populations for the building of identity. The then following remarks on categories of border areas shall suggest that a great variety of border areas needs to be considered if one is occupied with the subject of this article. From these explanations the article's relation to application will be derived, and groups of questions as well as detailed questions will be developed.

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-77
Author(s):  
Kamau Wango

Artistic commemoration of leaders and other iconic personalities has been in existence for centuries. Statues in particular have been used as a fitting avenue for the commemoration of political leaders and other luminaries in many fields. The premise upon which statues are made is that the subjects featured initiated and attained, in their lifetimes, concrete achievements that significantly impacted upon the lives of their fellow human beings. Other criteria for commemoration include proven integrity, dedication and selflessness in the service of the country and citizens. Statues as an integral part of public art have often generated substantial controversy on various fronts in many countries. Some of these gravitate around issues such as disputed likeness, queries about the fundamental achievements cited of the subject, at times open protests on the actions, character and integrity of the subject as well as the location of the statues. Other areas of contention include the implication of the presence of statues upon the political psyche of the country and their long-time impact on history, the youth and posterity. This paper examines the extent to which African countries have embraced this mode of artistic rendition to commemorate African political leaders in a way that is commensurate to their achievements. It is outside the scope of this paper to delve into the intricate web of back-and-forth arguments about the ‘concreteness’ of the legacies of the featured leaders who are mainly founding political figures of the respective countries. The paper, however, analyses the artistic essence of the selected statues in terms of their visual impact and whether they are indeed useful in articulating the legacies of the subjects and further, whether they ultimately bear ‘enduring visual value’ that spurs conversation and insight into these legacies. Statues must, at the very least, spur debate and conversation into the legacy of the featured subject. It becomes a form of constant interrogation as history itself takes its course; controversy is not necessarily a negative occurrence since it forms part of this discourse. The concept of immortalization, which is what initiators of statues often hope for is much harder to achieve and difficult to define. The paper examines 20 statues of African political leaders in different African Countries.


1964 ◽  
Vol 54 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 33-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fergus Millar

No analysis of the political character of the Empire can avoid the question of finance. The various sources of revenue of the Emperor and the res publica, the role of the private wealth of the Emperor, the nature of his control over public funds, the question of how and when various public revenues were taken by him—a satisfactory political interpretation of the early Empire must take account of all these.This article attempts merely to take a second preliminary step towards such an interpretation. Its aim is to set out as clearly as possible the evidence as to the nature of the Aerarium and the functions of its officials, and, above all, to avoid the anachronistic approach which our language itself so readily invites. Not all anachronistic views of the subject have had the beautiful obviousness of Ramsay's contribution: even to speak of the ‘world-wide financial administration’ of the Aerarium will prove to be misleading.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 560-585
Author(s):  
Sinja Graf

This essay theorizes how the enforcement of universal norms contributes to the solidification of sovereign rule. It does so by analyzing John Locke’s argument for the founding of the commonwealth as it emerges from his notion of universal crime in the Second Treatise of Government. Previous studies of punishment in the state of nature have not accounted for Locke’s notion of universal crime which pivots on the role of mankind as the subject of natural law. I argue that the dilemmas specific to enforcing the natural law against “trespasses against the whole species” drive the founding of sovereign government. Reconstructing Locke’s argument on private property in light of universal criminality, the essay shows how the introduction of money in the state of nature destabilizes the normative relationship between the self and humanity. Accordingly, the failures of enforcing the natural law require the partitioning of mankind into separate peoples under distinct sovereign governments. This analysis theorizes the creation of sovereign rule as part of the political productivity of Locke’s notion of universal crime and reflects on an explicitly political, rather than normative, theory of “humanity.”


Author(s):  
Henrik Oscarsson ◽  
Lauri Rapeli

Political sophistication refers to the role of expertise and the use of information in the forming of political judgments. Citizens in a democracy need a sufficient level of political sophistication to make sense of politics and to hold office holders accountable. Most people do not seem to be as sophisticated as theory would expect, and political sophistication also seems to be very unevenly spread among individuals. The consequences for democratic governance continue to be a matter of much scholarly debate. Although most researchers agree that sophistication among citizens tends to be low, many issues in the research field are deeply contested. First, several concepts such as awareness, sophistication, and knowledge are used more or less interchangeably in analyses of the political competence of citizens. It is, however, unclear whether the terminology conceals essential conceptual differences. Second, the empirical strategy of using surveys to measure sophistication has been heavily criticized. For some, the survey is an unsuitable method because it measures the respondents’ ability to produce correct answers under suboptimal conditions, rather than measuring what they actually know about politics. For others, the survey questions themselves are an inadequate measure of sophistication. Third, it is not clear what the effects of citizens’ political sophistication or lack thereof are on democratic governance. According to one group of scholars, the aggregated opinions and electoral choices of democratic publics would not look very different even if they were more sophisticated. The opponents of this low-information rationality theorem claim that increases in citizens’ sophistication would lead to substantial differences in democratic output. In other words, perceptions of the significance of sophistication for democracy deeply divide scholars working in the field. There is less disagreement concerning the individual-level determinants of sophistication. Although being male, well educated, and in a socially advantaged position still stand out as the strongest predictors of high sophistication, recent findings provide a more nuanced understanding of how sophistication is distributed among citizens. In addition to many enduring disputes, some questions remain largely unanswered. Without cross-nationally standardized survey items, scholars have struggled to conduct comparative studies of political sophistication. Therefore, role of political institutions as facilitators of political sophistication is to some extent uncertain. Whether and how sophistication changes over time are equally important, but mostly unexplored, questions.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-102
Author(s):  
Åse B. Grødeland ◽  
Aadne Aasland

This article challenges the notion that the EU accession process has reduced the scope for informal practice in the judiciary in post-communist states. Elite survey data suggest that such practice is widespread – although primarily used in response to transition, informal practice has to some extent been carried over from communism and is largely used out of habit. Efforts to reduce the negative impact of informal practice in the judiciary should therefore not only seek to enhance its independence and capacity, but also address (1) public attitudes towards the law and the judiciary as such; (2) the coping strategies applied when interacting with the judiciary; and (3) the judges’ and prosecutors’ responses to such strategies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Antoci

This article answers the question of whether the study of theology and metaphysics can be classified currently, or ever qualify in the future, as a scientific endeavor. Rather than choose a particular theology or metaphysics as the subject of inquiry, this essay argues that it is not only necessary to recognize the role of hermeneutics within different fields of study, but that it is also necessary to begin a human hermeneutic with human experience. Changes in our global context, whether social, economic, political, or environmental, are important drivers of hermeneutical evolution. We should expect no less change in the areas of theology, metaphysics, and science. The question of truth, whether subjective or objective, is a hermeneutical one.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 9-33

The occurrence of brownfields areas is related to fast development within industrial activity. Conventional labour-intense industrial activities were losing their significance and new highly-productive activities, based on educated labour force and higher added value, developed. De-industrialisation occurred. The external signs of negative de-industrialisation are mostly degradation of space, unemployment, social endangerment, increase of crime and marginalisation of the population in the affected areas. Based on the experience gained working on an international project ReTInA - Revitalization of Traditional Industrial Areas in South East Europe we came to the conclusion that the role of Geography and geographers is too inconsiderable and not in accordance with global trends of interdisciplinary approach to problem solving. We see the problem in an inadequate approach to solving revitalisations from top to bottom as well as in the ill-defined role of Geography and geographers. Findings, gained through multiyear work on the project are the following: the place and role of Geography and geographers solving the problem of brownfields need to be defined anew.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1515-1534
Author(s):  
Cristobal Collignon de Alba ◽  
Jürgen Haberleithner ◽  
Maricela Mireya Reyes López

In this overview, the authors consider the political dimension of creativity on the Smart Cities. The subject is approached on a disambiguation between the concepts of creativity and innovation in which the role of the market is crucial. The main arguments depart from Realism and its international perspective, in an effort to explain the reasons why governments would consider fostering potentially disruptive creativity on their societies. The authors take the discussion to power institutions that could be considered as non-democratic or less prone to political and social change, as some countries in East Asia and Latin America seem to be. The final remarks signal that a framework for the development for Smart Cities loaded with western values and appreciation for creativity, are unlikely to take hold on the societies aforementioned. Special frameworks of reference based on different sets of values must be drawn to fit with local institutions of power and social control.


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