Latviešu publicisti par izglītību dzimtajā valodā (19. gs. otrā puse)

Author(s):  
Vitālijs Šalda ◽  

The issue of school education in the mother tongue, which is part of a wider issue of the rights of national minorities in a civilized society, is still topical in Latvia nowadays. In this respect, the attitude of Latvian publicists towards the education in native language in the second half of the 19th century may be of interest, as they largely articulated the wishes and demands of the people to the ruling regime, when Latvians were struggling to obtain education for their children in their mother tongue opposed to the offi-cial language of the state. Based on the study of Latvian periodicals of the second half of the 19th century, the author con-cludes, that speaking about the use of the mother tongue in schools, Latvian publicists defended both na-tional and classical liberal values. It was found that their arguments about the need for a consistent use of the mother tongue in the education system were still incomplete, but they cannot be scientifically denied even today.

2003 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-44
Author(s):  
Vagn Wåhlin

Folkelige og sociale bevagelser. Nyere forskningsretninger og kvalitative forstaelser[Popular and Social Movements. Recent Research Approaches and Qualitative Interpretations]By Vagn WahlinHowever fascinating Grundtvig himself is as a central figure in 19th century Denmark, we, the citizens of the Third Millennium, have to ask why and how he is also interesting today and how his word, work and influence spread. Part of the answer to that fundamental question lies in the fact that he was the right man at the right place at the right time, with the right tidings to tell some clergymen and many peasant farmers on their dominant, middle size, family farms that they were the core of the nation. But part of the answer is to be found in the fact that his followers managed to elevate him to the influencing position as an inspirer and prophet of a broad popular movement that lasted for generations after his death. This popular, national and Christian movement of the Grundtvigians interacted in the social and political development of more than a hundred years with the other broad popular and ideological movements of Denmark such as the Labour Movement, the more Evangelical movement of the Home Mission, the Temperance movements, the Suffragists and women’s organizations, the associations of the world of sport, the political and youth organizations, etc. They were all active on the local level and soon also on the national level and, from the 1880s and onwards, established more firm organizations and institutions to deal with practical matters such as schools, boy scouts, community houses, soccer stadiums, magazines, newspapers, political associations, trade unions, as well as organized economic and anticapitalistic activities by co-operative dairies, breweries, slaughterhouses, export companies etc. As long as the agrarian sector of society (until around 1960-1970) dominated the national export to pay for the large import of society, that pattern of popular movements, also in the urban industry, influenced most of Danish history and life - and is still most influential in today’s post-modern society.During absolutism (1660-1848), organized social activities and associations were forbidden or strictly controlled. Yet a growing and organized public debate appeared in Copenhagen in late 18th century, followed by literary and semi-political associations amongst the enlightened, urban bourgeoisie. Around 1840 the liberals had organized themselves into urban associations and through newspapers. They were ready to take over the power of the society and the state, but could only do so through an alliance with the peasant farmers in 1846 followed by the German uprising in 1848 by the liberals in Schleswig-Holstein.In Denmark there existed a rather distinct dividing line - economic, cultural, social and in terms of political power - between two dominant sectors of society: Copenhagen, totally dominant in the urban sector, in contrast to the agrarian world, where 80% of the population lived.In the urban as well as in the agrarian sectors of society, the movements mostly appeared to be a local protest against some modernization or innovative introductions felt as a threat to religious or material interests - except for a few cases, where the state wanted an enlightened debate as in the Royal Agrarian Society of 1769. Whether the said local protesters won or lost, their self organization in the matter could lead to a higher degree of civil activity, which again could lead to the spread of their viewpoints and models of early organization. The introduction of civil liberties by the Constitution of 1849 made it more easy and acceptable for the broad masses of society to organize. However, with the spread of organizations and their institutions in the latter part of the 19th century, an ethical and social understanding arose that the power of the organized citizens should be extended from the special or vested interests of the founding group to the benefit of the whole of society and of all classes.So everybody who contributes positively, little or much, to the upholding and development of Danish society should be benefited and embraced by the popular movements. Around 1925 the Labour Movement as the last and largest in number and very influential had finally accepted that ethical point of view and left the older understanding of the suppressed army of toiling and hungry workers. The people, the ‘folk’, and the country of all classes had then been united into ‘Danmark for folket’ (a Denmark o f by and fo r the people).So while a social movement may be an organization of mere protest or vested interests or a short-lived phenomena, a ‘folkelig bevagelse’ (popular movement) became what it was at first - in the understanding of the majority of the Danes, but not in the eyes of the 19th century bourgeois and landowner elite - a positive label. It is still so today, though it is now questioned by many of the more internationally-minded members of the new elite. The word ‘folk’ in the term ‘folkelig bevagelse’ is so highly valued that nearly all political parties of today have included it in their names. For the majority of people, Danish and popular and movements stand for the organized societal activity of those who accept the language, history, culture including religion, landscapes, national symbols, etc. of Denmark and who incorporate all this as a valid part of their self-understanding just as they actively take part in the mutual responsibility for their fellow countrymen. This general attitude is most clearly demonstrated when it is severely breached by some individual or group.With the addition of the Church and the Christian dimension, we have what is the essence of Grundtvig’s heritage. Without this source of inspiration, the popular movements up to a generation ago would have been different and perhaps of less importance, and without the popular movements, Grundtvig’s influence would have been less important in Denmark of the last hundred years. We may best understand this as a process of mutual dependency and of a mutual societal interaction.


2019 ◽  
pp. 120-127
Author(s):  
Tamara Usatenko ◽  
Galyna Usatenko ◽  
Myroslava Marushchenko

The article is devoted to the defining of the phenomena of Ukrainian cultural movement of the 19th century, when under conditions of comprehensive Russification of the Ukrainian community and the influence of the Church Slavonic language as well as of complete lack of education in the native language, the processes of creation of the Ukrainian literary language took place. The new Ukrainian spelling was established, the struggle for teaching in schools in the Ukrainian language was intensified, various styles, and lot of genres of literature in the native language were developed. These searches and comprehension by advanced representatives of political, cultural and social life are considered. It is determined that the spirit of romanticism, European revolutions, the abolition of serfdom, scientific and industrial shifts gave birth to a galaxy of unique Ukrainian thinkers, scientific societies, writers, etc. Among them, Panteleimon Oleksandrovich Kulish (1819-1997) was a significant person due to his energy, ability to organize a business, multifaceted talent, profound knowledge. One of the resonance works of the diverse creative heritage P.O. Kulisha is studied in the article, that is a book for initial education in native language − the "Grammar" of the Ukrainian language, which was highly appreciated by T. Shevchenko. Its structure, the content of each part, the pedagogical role as well as the concept of the author, manifested in its preface and the final part were described. The study emphasizes that in the processes of creating a new literary Ukrainian language, its spelling, writing textbooks, grammars in Ukrainian for initials education, two periods are noticeable: the first one – the 20-30th years of the 19th century, when the problems of the necessity of a new literary language arose, the new literature, preservation of the ethnographic, folklore heritage of the people, the second one – the 40-60th-years was the period of active participation of a new generation of Ukrainian thinkers in the development of the Ukrainian literary language, the creation of new spelling, new literature for primary education in native Ukrainian language. The role of "Grammar" in the formation of a new Ukrainian literary language and its phonetic spelling, in the formation of education in the Ukrainian language, the creation of textbooks in the Ukrainian literary language, and the development of Ukrainian writing are underlined. The emphasis was also put on the introduction of the author's, phonetic spelling, the so-called "Kulishivka" in the "Grammar", which is the basis of the modern Ukrainian spelling. Despite the prohibition of "Valuevsky (1863)" and "Yamsky (1876)" decrees, books and newspapers, although very limited were published in Ukrainian. The article also highlights the following discourses: the role of "Grammar" wrote by P. Kulish (the theory and practice of creating a Ukrainian literary language, the new Ukrainian spelling, which caused the intensification of imperial repressions) and its contemporary significance for the new Ukrainian space of ideas, meanings, communication, methods of publications in the Ukrainian language, as well as some grammatical factors of the theory or history of writing: the language of sound - the language of the book: thinking - writing, writing - thinking; sound - letter, letter - sound; "science of reading" - writing, etc. Comparison of discourses contributes to the conclusion that the development of the living language, sound of language during writing has been improved so complex and multifaceted in the 19th century that passed later in the 20th century, and even in the 21st century remain controversial, as evidenced by the lengthy discussion of the “Project of the New Ukrainian spelling”.


Author(s):  
Imeri Basiladze ◽  
Sophio Panchulidze

In 1801 after invading Georgia, Russia started to fight hard to break Georgian national consciousness, for this it was necessary to demolish the Georgian language. There are many noteworthy notes about the current situation in the magazines and newspapers of 80s and 90s of the 19th century which were published in Kutaisi. Here you will find information how the native language was prohibited, the study of Georgian children was restricted, and the schools were guided by Russians. "Mute Method" was introduced at schools. Russia tried to prove the unnecessity of the Georgian language. For example, if the number of Georgians in one of the educational institutions exceeded the number of other ethnicities, they tried not to find the learners who came from different parts of Georgia as Georgians in order to avoid the need for teaching Georgian language.At the same time, on the paper of the Georgian press you can find some speeches, protests. Some schools were closed. Georgians demanded the change of educational system. In general, all these served to protect the Georgian language and to strengthen its positions.Thus, in the 80s and 90s of the 19th century, the Georgian press leaders strictly criticized Russia's Tsarism educational policy because it did not meet the interests of the Georgian people. They thought that the content of the teaching should reflect the true nature of the people. It should be an active propagandist and conductor of national ideas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 97-110
Author(s):  
Abbot Vitaly Utkin

The author examines the characteristics of Post-Secularity as the continuation of the modern in the history of Russian secularization in the 18th – first half of the 19th century using the methodology of Jürgen Habermas. The author views the Orthodox clergy of Russian Church as one of “the instruments” of the modern in Russia. The ideology of the clergy, while preserving the sacred dogmatic and liturgical fundamentals, was rationalized down to the limit due to ecclesiastic education based on the studies of Latin. In the eyes of the state power the clergy was some kind of petty officials meant to play the civilizing role for the people. And that resulted in the disagreement of the ideology of the clergy and Russian peasantry that was very vividly demonstrated in the course of popular uprisings, – and most of all in the so-called “Potato Riots”.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Indah Sri Pinasti ◽  
Puji Lestari

ABSTRACTThis study aims to (1) to know factors are causing Samin communities remain at the values and traditions, (2) to determine the values and traditions of what is local wisdom Tribe Samin, and (3) to know the values and traditions Samin communities in terms of character education. In this research, the research team used ethnographic research methods. The ethnographic method is a method used to describe things that are associated with Samin community in more depth. The results showed that the teachings of Samin Samin triggered by Surosentiko in 1890 and readily accepted by society Blora. This is because the state of Blora society in the 19th century is very alarming. Besides the natural conditions that are less potentially, also pressure from the colonial government that is characterized by the influx of money economic system, as well as the demands of high taxes. Expropriation of land owned by the people who made teak forests belonging to the state and the influx of Western culture makes Samin communities chose to alienate her from the pressures of life are different from them. Keywords: Historicity, normativity, Samin community, Character Education


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Tsipko

In the article the author analyzes the main notional lines in the work of A.I. Solzhenitsyn through the prism of Russian philosophy legacy. According to the author the analysis of the nature, motives and lie in the works of the writer are related to the respective works of F.M. Dostoevsky, K.N. Leontiev and other Russian thinkers. «All Communist content is turned into nonsense by the Russian life», and «all its nonsense is severe due to the intolerable truth of the suffering…», – this statement of F.A. Stepun is well pertinent to the creative work of A.I. Solzhenitsyn that shows vivid examples of barbaric cruelty of the authorities towards the people. Still, according to the author of the article, the reasons for such cruelty were reflected even earlier, in the works of Russian philosophers of the 19th century.


Author(s):  
Svetlana Pirozhok

The relevance of determining the theoretical and methodological determinants of the Robert von Moll’s concept of the social state is due to the need to determine the patterns of evolution of ideas about the state and law, as well as the need to assess the ability to use the potential of the Robert von Moll’s theoretical and legal heritage, his predecessors and contemporaries to identify the optimal model of the social state. Modern Russia attempts to build such state. The proclamation and consolidation of Russia as a social state governed by the rule of law at the constitutional level requires attention both to the experiments carried out in social and legal development, and to the practices of social reform, and also to those ideas that have not yet been embodied. The ideas of European scholars regarding the evolution of the state-legal organization of society in the early modern period, based on which Robert von Mohl (1799–1875) developed original concepts of a social state and a state governed by the rule of law are discussed in the article. An analysis of the state of European political and legal thought and identification of the factors that have a significant impact on the development of Robert von Mohl’s doctrine of a social state governed by the rule of law are the purposes of the scientific article. The methodological basis of the study was the dialectical-materialistic, general scientific (historical, systemic) and special (historical-legal, comparativelegal) methods of legal research. The method of reconstruction and interpretation of legal ideas had great importance. As a result of the study, it was concluded that in the first half of the 19th century in European political and legal thought various approaches was formed to consider the problems of social protection and how to resolve them. The development trend of European political science became the transition from ideas and principles formed in the conditions of police states and enlightened absolutism to the ideas of a state governed by the rule of law (constitutional) that protects the rights and freedoms of a citizen. At the same time, it was a question of the rights and freedoms of only a part of the population: the proletariat growing in number and significance was not always evaluated as an independent social stratum. The axiological principles of state justification have also changed. Rights and utility principle became dominant principles. In the first half of the 19th century the social issue as an independent scientific problem of the European political and legal thought was not posed and not systematically developed. Questions about the social essence of the state, the specifics of the implementation of the state social function, the features of public administration in the new stage of socio-economic development of society predetermined the emergence of the idea of a social state. This idea was comprehensively characterized in the Robert von Mohl’s works. He went down in the history of political and legal thought as founder of the concepts of social and governed by the rule of law state.


Nuncius ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrice Bret

Abstract This study examines the science and technology prize system of the Académie des Sciences through a first survey of the prizes granted over the period extending from the 1720s to the end of the 19th century. No reward policy was envisaged by the Royal Academy of Sciences in the Réglement (statute) promulgated by King Louis XIV in 1699. Prizes were proposed later, first by private donors and then by the state, and awarded in international contests setting out specific scientific or technical problems for savants, inventors and artists to solve. Using cash prizes, under the Ancien Régime the Academy effectively directed and funded research for specific purposes set by donors. By providing it with significant extra funding, the donor-sponsored prizes progressively gave the Academy relative autonomy from the political power of the state. In the 19th century, with the growing awareness of the importance of scientific research, the main question became whether to use the prizes to reward past achievements or to incentivize future research, and the scale and nature of the prizes changed.


Polar Record ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Lähteenmäki

ABSTRACTThe academic study of local and regional history in Sweden took on a quite new form and significance in the 18th century. Humiliating defeats in wars had brought the kingdom's period of greatness to an end and forced the crown to re-evaluate the country's position and image and reconsider the internal questions of economic efficiency and settlement. One aspect in this was more effective economic and political control over the peripheral parts of the realm, which meant that also the distant region of Kemi Lapland, bordering on Russia, became an object of systematic government interest. The practical local documentation of this area took the form of dissertations prepared by students native to the area under the supervision of well known professors, reports sent back by local ministers and newspaper articles. The people responsible for communicating this information may be said to have functioned as ‘mimic men’ in the terminology of H.K. Bhabha. This supervised gathering and publication of local information created the foundation for the nationalist ideology and interest in ordinary people and local cultures that emerged at the end of the century and flourished during the 19th century.


1977 ◽  
Vol 17 (192) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Zorgbibe

“Whenever a large organized group believes it has the right to resist the sovereign power and considers itself capable of resorting to arms, war between the two parties should take place in the same manner as between nations…” This statement by de Vattel in the 19th century seemed destined to take its place as a part of positive law, constituting part of what was known as recognition of belligerency, tantamount to the recognition by the established government of an equal status for insurgents and regular belligerents. When a civil war became extensive enough, the State attacked would understand that it was wisest to acknowledge the existence of a state of war with part of the population. This would, at the same time, allow the conflict to be seen in a truer light. The unilateral action of the legal government in recognizing belligerency would be the condition for granting belligerent rights to the parties. It would constitute a demonstration of humanity on the part of the government of the State attacked and would also provide that government with prospects for effective pursuit of the war. By admitting that it was forced to resort to war, it would at least have its hands free to make war seriously.


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