scholarly journals The Emergence of Minjung Theology and its Understanding of Reconciliation

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-21
Author(s):  
Sang Hoon HAN
Keyword(s):  
Liberation Theology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Situation ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Minjung Theology ◽  
Christian Students ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Press

This article aims to explore the theology of minjung. It is an accumulation and articulation of theological reflections on the political experience of Christian students, laborers, the press, professors, farmers, writers, and intellectuals as well as theologians in Korea in the 1970s. Minjung theology of Korea has been known as a branch of liberation theology. However, minjung theology was born in a special situation in Korea and has distinctive features from liberation theology. Through this research, I examine the definition, background, and characteristics of minjung theology, and attempts to research reconciliation, an important topic of modern theology, from the perspective of minjung theology. Minjung is economically poor, politically weak, socially deprived, but culturally and historically rich and powerful. Also, minjung, the poor, can think. They can do theology. There is no need for them to depend upon their oppressors to tell them what the gospel is.

scholarly journals Theodicy, Undeserved Suffering, and Compassionate Solidarity: An Interdisciplinary Reading of Hwang Sok-Yong’s The Guest

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (9) ◽  
pp. 463
Author(s):  
Young Hoon Kim
Keyword(s):  
Liberation Theology ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Theology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Suffering ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Minjung Theology ◽  
Johann Baptist Metz

The author explores theological questions regarding the Korean novelist Hwang Sok-yong’s The Guest from interdisciplinary perspectives. This paper analyzes the novel in relation to the emotional complex of han as understood in Korean minjung theology, the political theology of Johann Baptist Metz, and Ignacio Ellacuría’s liberation theology. Drawing upon the perspectives of Korean, German, and Latin American scholars, this approach invites us to construct a discourse of theodicy in a fresh light, to reach a deeper level of theodical engagement with the universal problem of suffering, and to nurture the courage of hope for human beings in today’s stressed world. Contemplating the concrete depiction of human suffering in The Guest, the paper invites readers to deepen their understanding of God in terms of minjung theology’s thrust of resolving the painful feelings of han of the oppressed, Metz’s insight of suffering unto God as a sacramental encounter with God, and Ellacuría’s idea of giving witness to God’s power of the resurrection in eschatological hope. The paper concludes that the immensity of today’s human suffering asks for that compassionate solidarity with the crucified today which can generate hope in the contemporary milieu.

Theological Education and Anglican Identity in South Africa

2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet Trisk ◽  
Luke Pato
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Spiritual Formation ◽  
Liberation Theology ◽  
Unemployment Rate ◽  
Theological Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Full Account ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Outcomes Based Education

ABSTRACTTheological education should take full account of the context in which it operates and authors share a commitment to a broadly defined liberation theology which takes the experience of the poor as its starting point. Focus is on the College of the Transfiguration in Grahamstown, a city with an unemployment rate of over 50 percent. The College supports not only theological education but also integrates ministerial and spiritual formation. The political context of South Africa has influenced the shape of theology even though students come from many other places. The contextualization thrust of the theology is shaped by a commitment to Outcomes Based Education. Anglican studies curriculum is shaped by this method and aims for a capacity to describe such things as Anglican identity, polity and beliefs. This is carried out in the absence of any sustained robust discourse on Anglican identity in the Anglican Communion.

scholarly journals Benih Mardeka in the Political Movement in East Sumatra, 1916–1923

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-157
Author(s):  
Budi Agustono ◽  
Kiki Maulana Affandi ◽  
Junaidi Junaidi
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The Poor ◽  
National Movement ◽  
The Press ◽  
Historical Methods ◽  
The Voice

This study aims to explain the movements, relationships and roles of Benih Mardeka newspaper in the political movement in East Sumatra from the period 1916 to 1923. Political movements took place as a result of rapid developments in the early 20th century in East Sumatra into a prosperous plantation area. The movements were carried by organisations delivered through propaganda tools or media, namely newspapers. One of the newspapers that loudly voiced national movement and nationalism in East Sumatra was Benih Mardeka newspaper, which began to appear in 1916. This study uses historical methods that include heuristic, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. The results showed that many articles in Benih Mardeka frequently criticised the issues of colonialism and capitalism. Meanwhile, the poor life of plantation workers became propaganda material for Benih Mardeka in criticising colonial and self-government as well as capitalists, namely plantation companies. Benih Mardeka was also a mouthpiece or tool for Sarekat Islam in conveying the idea of nation and nationalism. Hence, it can be concluded that Benih Mardeka consistently gave the voice of national movement and nationalism in the political movement and the press in East Sumatra.

NASCIMENTO MORAES E SEU PENSAMENTO EDUCACIONAL INCLUSIVO COM AS ESCOLAS PARA CRIANá‡AS POBRES

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (25) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
MARILEIA DOS SANTOS CRUZ
Keyword(s):  
Short Stories ◽  
Popular Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Black Teacher ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
Poor Children ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
Educational Thinking

 O professor e jornalista negro José do Nascimento Moraes destacou-se escrevendo crônicas, contos e poesias nos principais jornais maranhenses da primeira metade do século XX. Era um defensor da promoção da escolarização para os pobres e constantemente debatia os problemas polá­ticos, sociais e educacionais maranhenses. Foi o inspirador da criação das ”escolas dos pés descalços”. Essa escola era destinada a crianças extremamente pobres que poderiam frequentar as aulas com qualquer roupa e até descalças. Nascimento Moraes deve ser caracterizado como um intelectual da educação, já que na sua trajetória profissional deixou vasta contribuição sobre temáticas relativas ao campo. Por muitas vezes, fez uso do espaço da imprensa para denunciar a precariedade da instrução pública maranhense e divulgar ideias pedagógicas, dando ênfase, principalmente, á  defesa da educação popular. Ele defendia o rompimento com a sociedade organizada por castas sociais, especializada em distribuir os melhores espaços sociais aos membros das elites econômicas.Palavras-chave: Professor negro. Escolarização de pobres. História da educação maranhense.  NASCIMENTO MORAES AND HIS INCLUSIVE EDUCATIONAL THINKING WITH SCHOOLS FOR POOR CHILDRENAbstract: The teacher and black journalist José do Nascimento Moraes stood out by writing chronicles, short stories and poems in the main newspapers of the first half of the 20th century in Maranhão. He was a champion of the promotion of schooling for the poor and constantly debated the political, social and educational problems of Maranhão. He was the inspiration behind the creation of "barefoot schools". This school was intended for extremely poor children who could attend classes in any outfit and even barefoot. Nascimento Moraes must be characterized as an intellectual of education, since in his professional trajectory he left a vast contribution on themes related to the field. For many times he made use of the press space to denounce the precariousness of public education in Maranhão and to disseminate pedagogical ideas, emphasizing, mainly, the defense of popular education. He advocated the break with society organized by social castes, specialized in distributing the best social spaces to members of the economic elites.Keywords: Black teacher. Schooling of the poor. History of Maranhão education.NASCIMENTO MORAES Y SU PENSAMIENTO EDUCACIONAL INCLUSIVO CON LAS ESCUELAS PARA NIá‘OS POBRESResumen: El profesor y periodista negro José do Nascimento Moraes se destacó escribiendo crónicas, cuentos y poesá­as en los principales diarios del Maranhão de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Era un defensor de la promoción de la escolarización para los pobres y constantemente debatió los problemas polá­ticos, sociales y educativos del Maranhão. Fue el inspirador de la creación de las "escuelas de los pies descalzos". Esta escuela estaba destinada a niños extremadamente pobres que podrá­an asistir a las clases con cualquier ropa y hasta descalzas. Nascimento Moraes debe ser caracterizado como un intelectual de la educación, ya que en su trayectoria profesional dejó vasta contribución sobre temáticas relativas al campo. A menudo hizo uso del espacio de la prensa para denunciar la precariedad de la instrucción pública del Maranhão y divulgar ideas pedagógicas, dando énfasis, principalmente, a la defensa de la educación popular. Que defendá­a el rompimiento con la sociedad organizada por castas sociales, especializada en distribuir los mejores espacios sociales a los miembros de las élites económicas.Palabras clave: Profesor negro. Escolarización de pobres. Historia de la educación del Maranhão.      

Hoe oranjegezind waren de taalminnaren?

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-129
Author(s):  
Els Witte
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
The North ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Press ◽  
Dutch Language ◽  
The One ◽  
Official Status ◽  
Opposition Movement

Naar de Oranjegezinde grondleggers van de Vlaamse beweging is in de literatuur al heel wat aandacht gegaan. Maar wegens het gebrek aan een monografie  over het orangisme, kon deze groep niet in een breder kader worden geplaatst. Dank zij de publicatie van een dergelijke studie is dat nu wel mogelijk. Er blijkt uit dat de taalminnaren maar het zwakke broertje zijn van een beweging die ettelijke duizenden opposanten telt. Numeriek en politiek stellen ze niet veel voor en noch aan de contrarevoluties noch aan de harde oppositiebeweging in de pers dragen ze veel bij. Als literair bedrijvigen zitten ze gekneld tussen hun loyaliteit aan koning Willem I en het regime waarvan ze tot de revolutie van 1830 veel steun kregen, hun bekommernis om ook na 1830 hun baan te behouden en hun wens om in het Nederlands te blijven publiceren, ook nu die taal niet langer een officieel statuut heeft. Deze spagaat leidt bij de meesten tot een pragmatisch binnenkamersorangisme, waarna ze, met Jan Frans Willems op kop, de Belgische regering van Leopold I opzoeken, met interne conflicten, verzet vanwege  de orangistische beweging maar ook met een heropbloei van de literaire bedrijvigheid tot gevolg. Pas als het aftakelingsproces van het politieke orangisme zich na 1839 heeft ingezet, worden de contacten met de orangisten weer opgenomen en ondersteunen de onverzettelijken onder hen de oppositiebeweging van de flaminganten. Dat gebeurt zowel in Gent als in Antwerpen. Samen evolueren ze vervolgens in de richting van een heimweecultus. De orangistische taalminnaren doen echter al van voor 1839 inspanningen om de banden met het noorden aan te halen. Ze blijven er in de jaren 1840 voor ijveren en de eerste Congressen van 1849-1850 zetten de kroon op hun werk, waardoor ze in grote mate bijdragen aan de taalculturele samenwerking die zich sindsdiens en tot op de dag van vandaag tussen Vlaanderen en Nederland ontwikkelde.________How Orangist were the (Dutch) ‘language lovers’?The literature has already paid a lot of attention to the Orangist founding fathers of the Flemish movement. Because no monograph was available about Orangism, this group could not be placed in a wider context. However, this is now possible due to the publication of such a study. The study demonstrates that the ‘language lovers’ were only the poor relatives of a movement, which consisted of several thousands of opponents. They did not amount to much in numbers nor in politics and neither did they contribute much to counterrevolutions or a strong opposition movement in the press. As people active in literature they were caught between their loyalty to King William I and the regime from which they received a lot of support until the revolution of 1830 on the one hand and their concern to keep their jobs also after 1830 and their wish to be able to continue to publish in Dutch, even when this language now longer had an official status, on the other hand. This yawning gap induced most of them to a pragmatic private Orangism that led them under the leadership of Jan Frans Willems to look to the Belgian government of Leopold I to deal with internal conflicts and resistance from the Orangist movement, but which also led to a revival of literary activities.  It was only after the decline of the political Orangist movement had begun after 1839 that they renewed their contacts with the Orangists and then the most intransigent amongst them supported the Flemish opposition movement. This occurred both in Ghent and in Antwerp. Together they then evolved into a nostalgia cult. The Orangist ‘language lovers’, however, had already attempted before 1839 to develop closer ties to the North. They continued to fight for this during the 1840’s and the first Congresses of 1849-1850 became their crowning glory, allowing them to make a major contribution to the lingo-cultural cooperation, which has developed since then between Flanders and the Netherlands.

‘Ill Used by our Government’: The Darien Venture, King William and the Development of Opposition Politics in Scotland, 1695–1701

2019 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachael E. Comunale
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
New World ◽  
Significant Proportion ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Press ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
Political Factions

This article examines the development of political opposition in Scotland from 1695 to 1701 in the context of the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies. It is argued that the potency of the political movement inspired by Darien derived from the view that King William was directly implicated in the failure of the colony. Three episodes in the Company's history—the loss of subscriptions in Hamburg, the appearance of memorials in the new world prohibiting English aid to the colony and the imprisonment of Darien sailors by the Spanish authorities—are examined in detail. The ramification of these controversies was increasingly seen as the result not of English interference, but rather the crown's refusal to act on behalf of the Company. Because a significant proportion of the population was invested in the Company, and because the press helped to keep Darien in the forefront of public consciousness, these issues transformed Darien into a major political grievance that united disparate political factions in support of a single cause. Although the alliance inspired by Darien was temporary, it, nonetheless, played a crucial role in disrupting the political status quo.

V.V. Rozanov Among Parties and Politicians

2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Editorial Office ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Journal Editorial ◽  
Political Essays

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola

The pragmatics of absurdity

2019 ◽  
pp. 108-137
Author(s):  
O. I. Kiyanskaya ◽  
D. M. Feldman
Keyword(s):  
Political Context ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Socialist State ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Press

The analysis is focused on the pragmatics of V. Lenin’s articles ‘Party Organization and Party Literature’ [‘Partiynaya organizatsia i partiynaya literatura’] (1905) and ‘How to Ensure Success of the Constituent Assembly (on freedom of the press)’ [‘Kak obespechit uspekh Uchreditelnogo sobraniya (o svobode pechati)’] (1917). Foreign and Russian scholars alike considered the two works as components of the concept of Socialist state literature and journalism, conceived before the Soviet era. Based on examination of the political context, this work proves that Lenin was driven to write the articles by his fight for leadership in RSDRP. In 1905, Lenin obtained control over Novaya Zhizn, the newspaper under M. Gorky’s editorship, and insisted that opponents had to follow his censorship guidelines: the press had to become a propaganda tool rather than a source of income. Twelve years on, Lenin’s principles still reigned. 

ROUPAS COMO CORPOS: O AGENCIAMENTO POLÍTICO DO VESTUÁRIO POR CHRISTIAN BOLTANSKI / Clothes as bodies: the political agency of clothing by Christian Boltanski

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (39) ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
Angélica Adverse
Keyword(s):  
Political Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Historical Document ◽  
Central Idea ◽  
Political Experience

O artigo aborda o agenciamento das roupas no trabalho do artista Christian Boltanski. Partindo da dimensão do poder dos corpos têxteis, analisaremos como as roupas investem-se das palavras emudecidas dos corpos ausentes, constituindo-se como alegoria do testemunho e do documento histórico. A ideia central é pensar como as roupas explicitam a aniquilação humana provocada pelos regimes políticos totalitários. Analisaremos como as instalações Prendre la Parole (2005) e Personnes(2010) desvelam a presença-ausência da vida-morte na experiência política do discurso têxtil.  Palavras-chave: Roupas; Corpos; Agenciamento; Política; Memória.AbstractThe article addresses the agency of clothes in the work of the artist Christian Boltanski. Starting from the dimension of the power of the textile bodies, we will analyze how the clothes invest themselves with the muted words of the absent bodies, constituting themselves as an allegory of the testimony and of the historical document. The central idea is to think about how clothes make explicit human annihilation brought about by totalitarian political regimes. We will analyze how the installations Prendre la Parole (2005) and Personnes (2010) reveal the presence-absence of life-death in the political experience of textile discourse.Keywords: Clothes; Bodies; Agency; Politics; Memory. 

scholarly journals THE PROTECTION OF THE RICH AGAINST THE POOR: THE POLITICS OF ADAM SMITH’S POLITICAL ECONOMY

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-158
Author(s):  
James A. Harris
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
General Attitude ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Natural Forms ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Point Of Departure

AbstractMy point of departure in this essay is Smith’s definition of government. “Civil government,” he writes, “so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.” First I unpack Smith’s definition of government as the protection of the rich against the poor. I argue that, on Smith’s view, this is always part of what government is for. I then turn to the question of what, according to Smith, our governors can do to protect the wealth of the rich from the resentment of the poor. I consider, and reject, the idea that Smith might conceive of education as a means of alleviating the resentment of the poor at their poverty. I then describe how, in his lectures on jurisprudence, Smith refines and develops Hume’s taxonomy of the opinions upon which all government rests. The sense of allegiance to government, according to Smith, is shaped by instinctive deference to natural forms of authority as well as by rational, Whiggish considerations of utility. I argue that it is the principle of authority that provides the feelings of loyalty upon which government chiefly rests. It follows, I suggest, that to the extent that Smith looked to government to protect the property of the rich against the poor, and thereby to maintain the peace and stability of society at large, he cannot have sought to lessen the hold on ordinary people of natural sentiments of deference. In addition, I consider the implications of Smith’s theory of government for the question of his general attitude toward poverty. I argue against the view that Smith has recognizably “liberal,” progressive views of how the poor should be treated. Instead, I locate Smith in the political culture of the Whiggism of his day.

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