NASCIMENTO MORAES E SEU PENSAMENTO EDUCACIONAL INCLUSIVO COM AS ESCOLAS PARA CRIANá‡AS POBRES

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (25) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
MARILEIA DOS SANTOS CRUZ

 O professor e jornalista negro José do Nascimento Moraes destacou-se escrevendo crônicas, contos e poesias nos principais jornais maranhenses da primeira metade do século XX. Era um defensor da promoção da escolarização para os pobres e constantemente debatia os problemas polá­ticos, sociais e educacionais maranhenses. Foi o inspirador da criação das ”escolas dos pés descalços”. Essa escola era destinada a crianças extremamente pobres que poderiam frequentar as aulas com qualquer roupa e até descalças. Nascimento Moraes deve ser caracterizado como um intelectual da educação, já que na sua trajetória profissional deixou vasta contribuição sobre temáticas relativas ao campo. Por muitas vezes, fez uso do espaço da imprensa para denunciar a precariedade da instrução pública maranhense e divulgar ideias pedagógicas, dando ênfase, principalmente, á  defesa da educação popular. Ele defendia o rompimento com a sociedade organizada por castas sociais, especializada em distribuir os melhores espaços sociais aos membros das elites econômicas.Palavras-chave: Professor negro. Escolarização de pobres. História da educação maranhense.  NASCIMENTO MORAES AND HIS INCLUSIVE EDUCATIONAL THINKING WITH SCHOOLS FOR POOR CHILDRENAbstract: The teacher and black journalist José do Nascimento Moraes stood out by writing chronicles, short stories and poems in the main newspapers of the first half of the 20th century in Maranhão. He was a champion of the promotion of schooling for the poor and constantly debated the political, social and educational problems of Maranhão. He was the inspiration behind the creation of "barefoot schools". This school was intended for extremely poor children who could attend classes in any outfit and even barefoot. Nascimento Moraes must be characterized as an intellectual of education, since in his professional trajectory he left a vast contribution on themes related to the field. For many times he made use of the press space to denounce the precariousness of public education in Maranhão and to disseminate pedagogical ideas, emphasizing, mainly, the defense of popular education. He advocated the break with society organized by social castes, specialized in distributing the best social spaces to members of the economic elites.Keywords: Black teacher. Schooling of the poor. History of Maranhão education.NASCIMENTO MORAES Y SU PENSAMIENTO EDUCACIONAL INCLUSIVO CON LAS ESCUELAS PARA NIá‘OS POBRESResumen: El profesor y periodista negro José do Nascimento Moraes se destacó escribiendo crónicas, cuentos y poesá­as en los principales diarios del Maranhão de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Era un defensor de la promoción de la escolarización para los pobres y constantemente debatió los problemas polá­ticos, sociales y educativos del Maranhão. Fue el inspirador de la creación de las "escuelas de los pies descalzos". Esta escuela estaba destinada a niños extremadamente pobres que podrá­an asistir a las clases con cualquier ropa y hasta descalzas. Nascimento Moraes debe ser caracterizado como un intelectual de la educación, ya que en su trayectoria profesional dejó vasta contribución sobre temáticas relativas al campo. A menudo hizo uso del espacio de la prensa para denunciar la precariedad de la instrucción pública del Maranhão y divulgar ideas pedagógicas, dando énfasis, principalmente, a la defensa de la educación popular. Que defendá­a el rompimiento con la sociedad organizada por castas sociales, especializada en distribuir los mejores espacios sociales a los miembros de las élites económicas.Palabras clave: Profesor negro. Escolarización de pobres. Historia de la educación del Maranhão.      

2016 ◽  
pp. 291-308
Author(s):  
Lorena Guerrero ◽  
José Alejandro Cifuentes

El siguiente artículo abarca los aspectos políticos durante el régimen militar de Gustavo Rojas Pinilla como contexto de la prensa producida por el Partido Comunista Colombiano. Se analiza la revista Documentos Políticos del Partido Comunista de Colombia, por ser un ejemplo de oposición ante aquel periodo antidemocrático. Es así como, mediante un recorrido histórico de aquel periodo, en el que las libertades democráticas fueron restringidas, podemos dar a conocer el trabajo intelectual y político de un grupo de la izquierda colombiana. Además, resaltamos el carácter testimonial de esta publicación a la hora de abordar una historia de la izquierda en Colombia, y más concretamente una historia del Partido Comunista en la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Palabras claves: prensa, izquierda, revista comunista, oposición al Régimen militar, comunistas   Abstract Alternative and Leftist Press: The Case of the Magazine Documentos Políticos in the Final Period of La Violencia The following article covers the political aspects during the military regime of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, as a context to the press produced by the Colombian Communist Party. It analyzes the magazine Documentos Políticos (Political Papers) published by the Communist Party of Colombia, since it is an example of opposition to that antidemocratic period. Thus, by means of a systematic historical approach of that period, in which democratic freedoms were restricted, we can better understand the intellectual and political work of a group of the Colombian left. Furthermore, we highlight the testimonial character of this publication when addressing the history of the left in Colombia, and more specifically the history of the Communist Party in the second half of the twentieth century. Key words: Press, the left, communist magazine, opposition to the military regime, communist


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Ella Sbaraini

Abstract Scholars have explored eighteenth-century suicide letters from a literary perspective, examining issues of performativity and reception. However, it is fruitful to see these letters as material as well as textual objects, which were utterly embedded in people's social lives. Using thirty manuscript letters, in conjunction with other sources, this article explores the contexts in which suicide letters were written and left for others. It looks at how authors used space and other materials to convey meaning, and argues that these letters were epistolary documents usually meant for specific, known persons, rather than the press. Generally written by members of the ‘lower orders’, these letters also provide insight into the emotional writing practices of the poor, and their experiences of emotional distress. Overall, this article proposes that these neglected documents should be used to investigate the emotional and material contexts for eighteenth- and nineteenth-century suicide. It also argues that, at a time when the history of emotions has reached considerable prominence, historians must be more attentive to the experiences of the suicidal.


2009 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ciska Raventós Vorst

RESUMEN: Este artículo analiza el proceso de cambio político que se inició en Costa Rica en 1998 y que aún no concluye, ubicándolo en el contexto de la historia política de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Revisa luego las explicaciones que se han dado para el brusco quiebre en el comportamiento electoral de 1998, analiza la relación entre abstención y declive de los dos partidos tradicionales en el período 1998-2006 y se detiene a estudiar algunos rasgos del comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos en el 2006. Concluye planteando una interpretación preliminar sobre el momento político en que se encuentra el país.ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the process of ongoing political change that has taken place in Costa Rica since 1998. It is analyzed in the context of the political history of the second half of the 20th century. This article reviews the explanations of the sudden shift in electoral behaviour in 1998, analyzes the relationship between electoral abstention and the decline of the two traditional parties between 1998 and 2006, and it studies some characteristics of voting behaviour in 2006. The paper concludes with a preliminary interpretation of the current political situation.


1974 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 159-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. F. Clarke

On the centenary of the birth of C. P. Scott, the political outlook of the Manchester Guardian under his editorship was explained thus: ‘He, and those who wrote under him, thought always in terms of what he called “the progressive movement”. What was important was that those who were agreed on reforming measures should work together to secure them’. In its use of the rather imprecise label ‘progressive’, in its conception of a reform movement wider than strict party boundaries, in its distinctive flowering in the press—in all these respects the progressive movement of early twentieth-century America gives us some notion of what Scott had in mind. And indeed American historiography can, I believe, suggest valuable lines of analysis which have not been fully applied in England. Perhaps the most obvious would entail giving closer attention to the intellectuals and publicists and asking more searching questions about their role in politics. A few years ago the late Charles Mowat pointed to the broadly similar problems in social policy which Britain and the United States faced at this time; and he commented on how, despite these similarities, the history of social reform in the United States had been written with due attention to the history of ideas: in Britain, by contrast, almost exclusively in terms of political and administrative history. It would not, perhaps, be fair to extend Mowat's observation by saying that in England we purposely write history with the ideas left out.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 36-55
Author(s):  
Luís Francisco Munaro ◽  
Cyneida Menezes Correia

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar trajetória dos jornais impressos de Roraima no recorte que vai da fundação do primeiro jornal local até a transformação de Roraima em Estado, a partir da seguinte periodização: jornalismo impresso durante o pertencimento de Roraima ao Estado do Amazonas (1914-1942), durante o período em que Roraima se transformou em território federal (1943-1979) e fase de consolidação da atividade impressa (1981-1989). Ele fará isso através da recuperação de acervos documentais e identificação de jornais e atores importantes na construção de uma cultura letrada regional em paralelo com a transformação política do Estado. Ao fazer semelhante levantamento, será possível reforçar hipóteses sobre porque são tão conflituosas as relações entre o estamento político regional e os canais impressos.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: História da imprensa; Roraima; História política; Mídia impressa; Boa Vista.     ABSTRACT The objective of this paper is to analyze the trajectory of Roraima's printed newspapers in the cut that goes from the foundation of the first local newspaper to the transformation of Roraima into a state, from the following periodization: printed journalism during the Roraima's belonging to the State of Amazonas ( 1914-1942), during the period in which Roraima became federal territory (1943-1979) and the consolidation phase of printed activity (1981-1989). It will do this by recovering documentary collections and identifying newspapers and key players in building a regional literate culture in parallel with the political transformation of the state. By making such a survey, it will be possible to reinforce hypotheses as to why the relations between the regional political settlement and the print channels are so conflicting.   KEYWORDS: History of the press; Roraima; Political history; Print; Boa Vista.     RESUMEN El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la trayectoria de los periódicos impresos de Roraima en el corte que va desde la fundación del primer periódico local hasta la transformación de Roraima en un estado, desde la siguiente periodización: periodismo impreso durante la pertenencia de Roraima al Estado de Amazonas ( 1914-1942), durante el período en que Roraima se convirtió en territorio federal (1943-1979) y la fase de consolidación de la actividad impresa (1981-1989). Lo hará recuperando colecciones documentales e identificando periódicos y actores clave en la construcción de una cultura regional alfabetizada en paralelo con la transformación política del estado. Al realizar una encuesta de este tipo, será posible reforzar las hipótesis de por qué las relaciones entre el acuerdo político regional y los canales impresos son tan conflictivas.   PALABRAS CLAVE: Historia de la prensa; Roraima Historia política; Medios impresos; Boa Vista.  


Comunicar ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 14 (28) ◽  
pp. 45-49
Author(s):  
Michel Clarembeaux

This paper gives a brief account of the history of media education in the French Community of Belgium using as a starting point the political, media and educational contexts. Afterwards, it explains media education in the Internet and media society and the integration of the press in the field of learning. Finally, the paper describes the educational challenges of reality-television, cinema and advertising. Partiendo del contexto político, escolar y mediático de la educación en los medios en la comunidad francesa de Bélgica, este texto hace un breve recorrido de la situación del país tanto anterior a 1995, como del organigrama que surge a partir de 1995 con la creación de un Consejo y tres Centros de Recursos. Posteriormente se conceptualiza la educación en los medios en el marco de la sociedad Internet y multimedia y la integración de la prensa escrita en la enseñanza. Se describe también la tele-realidad y sus retos pedagógicos, así como la educación en el cine y la educación crítica de la publicidad.


2019 ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Павел Евгеньевич Липовецкий

Статья посвящена истории становления организаций либерального духовенства в годы Первой русской революции (1905-1907) Политический кризис, начавшийся в Российской империи в 1905 г., поставил духовенство Православной Церкви перед необходимостью определить свою позицию по ряду общественных вопросов. Значительная часть клириков высказала симпатии либеральному направлению в политике. Наиболее крупные организации либерального духовенства сложились в Санкт-Петербурге и Москве. Сменившая несколько названий, столичная организация, выросшая из группы 32-х пастырей, в определённой степени пользовались поддержкой правящего архиерея - митр. Антония (Вадковского). Клирики имели возможность высказываться на собраниях и со страниц периодической печати. В свою очередь представители московского духовенства объединились на базе «Общества любителей духовного просвещения». Однако вскоре члены Общества вступили в конфликт с митр. Владимиром (Богоявленским), что заставило их искать поддержки у партии «Союз 17 октября». Это привело к созданию независимой от церковного начальства организации, получившей название «Вероисповедная комиссия при Союзе 17 октября». В программном отношении организации либерального духовенства схожи между собой. Первоначальной темой обсуждения в них были вопросы церковного преобразования, но позднее общественные темы приобрели больший вес. В провинции на данный момент объединений либерального духовенства выявить не удалось. Тем не менее прослеживается деятельность отдельных клириков. The article is devoted to the history of formation of liberal clergy organizations in the years of the First Russian revolution (1905-1907) The political crisis which began in the Russian Empire in 1905 made the Orthodox clergy to define their position on a number of social questions. A large proportion of the clergy expressed sympathy for the liberal trend in politics. The largest organisations of liberal clergy emerged in St Petersburg and Moscow. The organisation in the capital, which had grown out of a group of 32 pastors, had the support of the ruling bishop, Metropolitan Anthony (Vadkovsky), to a certain extent. The clerics were able to speak out at meetings and in the press. Representatives of the Moscow clergy in their turn united on the basis of the 'Society of Lovers of Spiritual Enlightenment'. However, members of the Society soon came into conflict with Metropolitan Vladimir (Bogoyavlensky), which compelled them to seek support from the October 17th Union party. This led to the creation of an organization independent of church authorities called the Faith-Based Commission under the October 17th Union. In programmatic terms, the liberal clergy organizations were similar. Their initial topic of discussion was ecclesiastical conversion, but later social topics acquired greater weight. No liberal clergy associations could be traced in the provinces at present. Nevertheless, the activities of individual clerics can be traced.


2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Braslaw Sundue

In 1738, the English evangelist George Whitefield traveled to the new colony of Georgia intending to establish “a house for fatherless children.” Inspired by both August Hermann Francke, the German Pietist who had great success educating and maintaining poor orphans in Halle, and by charity schools established in Great Britain, Whitefield's orphan house and charity school, named Bethesda, opened its doors early in 1740. For years, Whitefield devoted himself tirelessly to ensuring the success of the Bethesda school, preaching throughout Britain and North America on its behalf. Whitefield's preaching tour on behalf of his beloved Bethesda is well known for its role in catalyzing the religious revivals known collectively as the Great Awakening. The tour also marked an important shift in the history of education in America. News of the establishment of the orphanage at Bethesda coincided with new efforts to school the poor throughout the colonies. Drawing on both the British and German models of charity schooling that were highly influential for Whitefield, eighteenth-century Americans began or increased commitments to charity schooling for poor children. But the European models were not adopted wholesale. Instead, local administrators of the schooling experiments deviated from these models in a striking way. In America, elites offered some children the opportunity for extensive charity instruction, but not necessarily children at the bottom of the social hierarchy. This article will argue that the execution of these charity schooling programs was contingent upon local social conditions, specifically what appears to have been local elites' desire to maintain a certain social order and ensure a continued supply of cheap labor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Sam Lebovic

In the 1930s and 1940s, the conservative newspaper industry argued that the First Amendment should shield them from New Deal economic regulations. This article uses these forgotten clashes about freedom of the press to provide a new history of the origins and trajectory of the anti-regulatory First Amendment. It shows that conservative newspaper attorneys were at the forefront of efforts to use civil liberties to protect their economic interests in the New Deal. But it argues that these efforts were only partially successful. The courts rejected these maximalist First Amendment claims, distinguishing between economic liberties and civil liberties. But maximalist claims were more successful in the political culture, where conservative newspapers helped legitimize a belief that a laissez-faire “marketplace of ideas“ was a liberal principle with deep roots in the past. The origins of First Amendment Lochnerism thus lie not in judicial precedent, but in contestation in the political culture. A clearer understanding of the dynamics of this long-running effort to deploy civil liberties claims for conservative purposes, the article concludes, will help us better navigate the contemporary crises of the First Amendment.


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