scholarly journals Propaganda en los dibujos animados de Corea del Norte: análisis discursivo y del subtexto en series y cortos de animación de producción nortecoreana / Propaganda in the North Korea Cartoons: Discursive and Subtext Analysis in Animated Series and Short Films of North Korean Production

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-57
Author(s):  
Eduardo Naudín Escuder
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The Other ◽  
The North ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Short Films ◽  
Government Propaganda ◽  
The Government ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion ◽  
Practical Investigation

ABSTRACTThrough the analysis of some short films and series of government propaganda produced in North Korea since the 80s to the present, this work intends to explore the way in which the government of Kim Jong Un relates to the mass media, and on the other hand, to unravel those discursive mechanisms of the audiovisual text that pretend to alter the consciences of the youngest. In addition, a reflection is opened, which is latent throughout the practical investigation, about how violence is presented on screen and its possible effects among the youngest.RESUMENA través del análisis de algunos cortometrajes y series de propaganda gubernamental producidas en Corea del Norte desde los años 80 hasta la actualidad, este trabajo pretende, por un lado, explorar la manera en que se relaciona el gobierno de Kim Jong-un con los medios de comunicación masivos, y por otro, descubrir aquellos mecanismos discursivos del texto audiovisual que pretenden alterar la conciencia de los más jóvenes. Además, se abre una reflexión sobre cómo se presenta la violencia en la pantalla y de sus posibles efectos entre los más pequeños, la cual estará latente durante toda la investigación práctica.

scholarly journals Emotional education and mass media

Comunicar ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 10 (20) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Rafael Bisquerra-Alzina ◽  
Gemma Filella-Guiu
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Emotional Dimension ◽  
The Media ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
The One ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion ◽  
Emotional Education

The aim of this paper is to analyze the relationships between emotional education and the media from two different points of view. On the one hand, the emotional dimension of the media and their implication in education. On the other hand, the media as a El objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre el binomio «educación emocional y medios de comunicación» desde dos puntos de vista. Por un lado, la dimensión emocional de los medios de comunicación y su implicación en la acción educativa y, por otro, los medios de comunicación como transmisores de educación emocional. Los autores finalizan presentando un conjunto de programas de educación emocional.

scholarly journals Media Massa, Pemerintah dan Pemilik Modal

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (6) ◽  
pp. 477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Harry Susanto
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Information Society ◽  
The Other ◽  
Democratic Ideal ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Freedom Of Action

Democratization of communication, is the starting point of mass media in promoting the achievement of a prosperous information society. But the problem, is not easy to build a democratic ideal. Because a number of people within the government still puts power in response to the message - the message conveyed by the media. On the other hand, there are still investors who interpret that identic democracy with freedom of action which is detrimental to the business is run. But democracy barriers associated with reporting transparency could have emerged from people who prefer introversion past due jargon about harmony and alignment.

MEMBANGUN PENDIDIKAN KARAKTER SEJAK USIA DINI

Edupedia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Agus Supriyadi
Keyword(s):  
Human Resources ◽  
Character Education ◽  
Moral Values ◽  
The Other ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Early Age ◽  
National Education ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

Character education is a vital instrument in determining the progress of a nation. Therefore the government needs to build educational institutions in order to produce good human resources that are ready to oversee and deliver the nation at a progressive level. It’s just that in reality, national education is not in line with the ideals of national education because the output is not in tune with moral values on the one hand and the potential for individuals to compete in world intellectual order on the other hand. Therefore, as a solution to these problems is the need for the applicationof character education from an early age.

Timber

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
Charles Taylor ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Forestry Sector ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Timber Market

During the civil war, Liberia’s forestry sector rose to prominence as Charles Taylor traded timber for arms. When the war ended, the UN’s timber sanctions remained in effect, reinforced by the Forestry Development Authority’s (FDA) domestic ban on logging. As Liberians waited for UN timber sanctions to be lifted, a burgeoning domestic timber market developed. This demand was met by artisanal loggers, more commonly referred to as pit sawyers. Out of this illicit economy emerged the Nezoun Group to provide local dispute resolution between the FDA’s tax collectors and ex-combatant pit sawyers. The Nezoun Group posed a dilemma for the government. On the one hand, the regulatory efforts of the Nezoun Group helped the FDA to tax an activity that it had banned. On the other hand, the state’s inability to contain the operations of the Nezoun Group—in open contravention of Liberian laws—highlighted the government’s capacity problems.

Party and the Augustan Constitution, 1694-1716: Politics and the Power of the Executive

1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Dennis A. Rubini
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Commons ◽  
The Government ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

William of Orange tried to be as absolute as possible. Inroads upon the power of the executive were fiercely resisted: indeed, William succeeded in keeping even the judiciary in a precarious state of independence. To maintain the prerogative and gain the needed supplies from parliament, he relied upon a mixed whig-tory ministry to direct court efforts. Following the Glorious Revolution, the whigs had divided into two principle groups. One faction led by Robert Harley and Paul Foley became the standard-bearers of the broadly based Country party, maintained the “old whig” traditions, did not seek office during William's reign, tried to hold the line on supply, and led the drive to limit the prerogative. The “junto,” “court,” or “new” whigs, on the other hand, were led by ministers who, while in opposition during the Exclusion crisis, held court office, aggressively sought greater offices, and wished to replace monarchy with oligarchy. They soon joined tory courtiers in opposing many of the Country party attempts to place additional restrictions upon the executive. To defend the prerogative and gain passage for bills of supply, William also developed techniques employed by Charles II. By expanding the concept and power of the Court party, he sought to bring together the executive and legislative branches of government through a large cadre of crown office-holders (placemen) who sat, voted, and directed the votes of others on behalf of the government when matters of importance arose in the Commons. So too, William claimed the right to dissolve parliament and call new elections not on a fixed date, as was to become the American practice, but at the time deemed most propitious over first a three-year and then (after 1716) a seven year period.

Sharp and the Restoration Policy in Scotland

1906 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 149-169
Author(s):  
B.D. John Willcock
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Government ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
Political Principles ◽  
The Church

The idea that at the Restoration the Government of Charles II. wantonly attacked a Church that otherwise would have remained at peace and in the enjoyment of hardly-won liberties is not in accordance with facts. The Church was divided into two warring factions—that of the Remonstrants or Protesters and that of the Resolutioners. The former were the extreme Covenant party and had as their symbol the Remonstrance of the Western army after the Battle of Dunbar, in which they refused to fight any longer in the cause of Charles II. The Resolutioners were the more moderate party, which accepted him as a Covenanted King, and they derived their name from their support of certain Resolutions passed in the Parliament and General Assembly for the admission of Royalists to office under certain conditions. The Protesters—who numbered perhaps about a third of the Presbyterian clergy—claimed, probably not without reason, to be more religious than their opponents. They were very eager to purge the Church of all those whose opinions they regarded as unsatisfactory, and to fill up vacant charges with those who uttered their shibboleths. In their opposition to the King they naturally drew somewhat closely into sympathy with the party of Cromwell, though, with the fatal skill in splitting hairs which has afflicted so many of their nation, they were able to differentiate their political principles from what they called ‘English errors.’ The Resolutioners, on the other hand, adhered steadily to the cause of Charles II., and came under the disfavour of the Government of the Commonwealth for their sympathy with the insurrection under Glencairn and Middleton which had been so troublesome to the English authorities.

Attitudes to reform: political parties in Ulster and the Irish land bill of 1881

1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (95) ◽  
pp. 327-340
Author(s):  
Francis Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
The Other ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Previous Decade ◽  
History Of

The Irish land act of 1881, it is generally agreed, was a victory for the Land League and Parnell, and nationalist policy with regard to the act and the attitude of southern tenants towards it have been many times subjected to detailed examination by historians of this period. In these analyses of the events of 1880–81, however, little reference is normally made to the part played by the different parties and interests in the north of the country. It is often assumed, for example, that the Ulster tenants held aloof from the campaign for reform, lending no more than occasional vocal support to the agitational efforts of tenants in the south and west. Indeed, they were later excoriated by William O'Brien, Michael Davitt and others not only for giving no support to the land movement but also for sabotaging Parnell's policy of testing the 1881 act by precipitately rushing into the land courts to take advantage of the new legislation: ‘that hard-fisted body of men, having done nothing themselves to win the act, thought of nothing but turning it to their own immediate use, and repudiating any solidarity with the southern and western rebels to whom they really owed it’. If, however, northern tenants were harshly judged by nationalist politicians in the years after 1881, the part played by the northern political parties in the history of the land bill has been either ignored or misunderstood by historians since that time. The Ulster liberals, for example, are rarely mentioned, the implication being that they made no contribution to the act even though it implemented almost exactly the programme on which they had been campaigning for much of the previous decade. The northern conservatives, on the other hand, are commonly seen as leading opponents of the bill, more intransigent than their party colleagues in the south, ‘quick to denounce any weakening of the opposition’ to reform, and ‘determined to keep the tory party up to the mark in defending the landlord interest’

scholarly journals Persistent Conflict and Perceived Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Southern Kaduna Region of Nigeria

2021 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Tunde Abioro ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Historical Approach ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
People’S Perception ◽  
Origin Identity ◽  
The Government

The cycle of individual and communal lives from birth to death is supposedly preserved by the government through institutions. However, political, social, and economic activities are engaged to make ends meet wherein the government is to serve as an unbiased regulator. The activities that play out in Southern Kaduna reflected politics of being on one side with interplay on origin, identity, religion, and locality. On the other hand, it reflects politics of belonging that play on kin, reciprocity, and stranger status. It has thus resulted in violence, suspicion, and persistent conflict. The study examines citizen’s inclusiveness in peacebuilding initiatives and the people’s perception of the sincerity of the government. The research relies on secondary sources where governmental and non-governmental publications and documents from relevant and reliable sources enriched the socio-historical approach, particularly those relating to contestation in the region. The study found out that just like situations in the other northwest states of the country, the crisis exacerbates by the government’s inability to mediate fairly between warring parties to ensure fairness and justice as well as failure to apprehend and punish the culprits, even as recommendations from the various interventions were unimplemented. Thus, the spate of violence continues.

scholarly journals Terorisme dan Simalakama Media Massa

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-123
Author(s):  
Farid Pribadi
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Visual Image ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Other ◽  
Symbolic Violence ◽  
Symbiotic Relationship ◽  
Combination Technique ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Terrorist Acts ◽  
Relationship Of

This article discusses the symbiotic relationship of mutualism between mass media andterrorism. Whether we realize it or not, acts of terrorism in the homeland are still interestingand economically valuable news material in front of the mass media. On the other hand, onthe part of terrorists, the news about terrorist acts actually becomes a strategic campaignarea to show their existence. The research uses a qualitative approach to narrative analysismethod. The results of the study are www.okezone.com and www.tribunnews.com placingthe terror terror events in Medan Mapolrestabes as interesting and economically valuablenews material. The style of the news flow is arranged with a choice of tense, dramatic andsensational nuances of words. In addition, the display of photo and video illustrationsshortly after the explosion also aims to display as if the news of the explosion event is true,not engineering, objective and valid. The combination technique of choice of words, storyline, placement techniques and the size of photos and videos all aim to make the emotions ofthe reader participate dissolved in a tense situation as the situation at the scene of theexplosion. The practice of compiling this kind of news flow is called, as Jean Baudrillard'spractice of simulation. The practice of simulation through the practice of compiling newslines and the touch of visual image technology will eventually create conditions ofhyperreality. Namely the conditions between reality will be mixed with the pseudo so it isdifficult to distinguish which is original and fake. Next, the airing of a list of victims ofunknown origin will actually give birth, as Pierre Bourdie calls it symbolic violence. That is,the practice of violent symbols aimed no longer at the physical target but rather consciousthoughts. Symbolic violence in the appearance of the victim list really has the potential tocreate traumatic feelings towards the families of the victims.

scholarly journals Ceramic finds from the Byzantine fort of Gradina on the island of Žirje

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Karađole ◽  
Igor Borzić
Keyword(s):  
Iron Age ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Mediterranean Area ◽  
The Other ◽  
Late Antique ◽  
North African ◽  
The North ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Main Production ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean Area

Repeated excavations of the area of the early Byzantine fort on Žirje, an island in the Šibenik archipelago, resulted in recovery of a substantial amount of movable finds, predominantly pottery. Most finds date to the period of Justinian's reconquista in the mid-6th century when the fort was used, but there are also some artifacts of earlier or later dating (Iron Age, Hellenistic and early Imperial periods; medieval and postmedieval periods) whose presence is explained by continuous strategic importance of the fort position. Late antique material has been analyzed comprehensively in terms of typology. Dating and provenance contexts of the finds have also been determined. Presence of pottery from the main production centers that supplied the eastern Adriatic at the time has been attested. This refers in particular to the north African and Aegean-eastern Mediterranean area providing fine tableware and kitchen pottery, lamps and various forms of amphorae. On the other hand, participation of local workshops in supply of the Byzantine soldiers stationed in Gradina probably relates to prevailing forms of kitchenware.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document