scholarly journals GERMAN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE NAZI EUTHANASIA PROGRAM AND THE TIDAL WAVE OF HISTORICAL MEMORY IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY

Author(s):  
Е.В. Данилова

В статье рассматривается проблема германской историографии о нацистской программе эвтаназии. Доказывается, что публикации историков и специалистов в области психиатрии появлялись в печати в связи с периодами развития темы исторической памяти о постыдном прошлом немецкого общества, связанного с преступлениями в психиатрии при национал-социалистическом режиме. На основе исследования работ по указанной проблематике обосновывается тезис о том, что появление в печати, а также содержание научной литературы соответствует трем периодам проработки прошлого. Раскрывается, что в период послевоенного забвения количество публикаций по теме исключительно мало и происходило по частной инициативе авторов. Проводимая государством политика памяти, или мемориальная политика, не способствовала признанию медицинских преступлений и прав жертв эвтаназии на достойную память. Было выяснено, что ряд публикаций имел особое значение в процессе изменения общественного сознания в отношении к национал-социалистическому прошлому. К концу века процесс сохранения памяти о конкретных жертвах приобрел локальное значение. В статье делается вывод о том, что проблема признания жертв эвтаназии имеет долгую историю и связана с трансформацией осознания проблемы об-щественностью и с официальным дискурсом в немецком обществе. The article focuses on the way German historiography treats the Nazi euthanasia program. It maintains that historical and psychiatric research is instigated by the tidal wave of historical memory of the German past marred by appalling crimes against psychiatric patients committed under the National Socialist reign. The analysis of works related to the aforementioned topic enables the author of the article to conclude that the appearance and the content of research papers conform to one of the three periods of historical investigation. In the post-war period when the heinous practices were hushed up, the number of publications related to the topic was exceedingly small, all publications were initiated by individual researchers. The state-controlled memory policy didn’t instigate the recognition of psychiatrists’ criminal actions nor did it grant the victims of euthanasia killings a right to be commemorated. The article shows that some research papers initiated changes in social attitudes to the National Socialist past. At the end of the 20th century the commemoration of victims of euthanasia killings was an issue of local significance. The article maintains that the problem of recognizing the victims of euthanasia killings has a long history and is associated with the transformation of social awareness, social problems and official discourse in German society.

2019 ◽  
pp. 664-685
Author(s):  
Аndriy Kudriachenko

The article analyses the components of overcoming the national socialist past of Germany and the totalitarian legacy of the socialist era, identifies four historical periods, displays the fundamental difference and common features in the approaches of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic to the study of the national socialist past, and outlines a system of measures for the formation of political culture in reunified Germany. Various components of the policy of clear distancing from the Hitler regime and integration of former Nazis into new public institutions as a way to establish modern democratic foundations of Germany’s development are considered. The article emphasizes the importance of the generational change and critical public study of the painful past and an important role of the establishment of a new political culture. The growing public interest and intensive public discussions in united Germany related to the formation of historical memory are pointed out. The importance and significance of studying the GDR’s past and overcoming differences between citizens of the Eastern and Western parts of reunified Germany are emphasized. The article also outlines new approaches and visions of self-identification of a state, society and citizens based on the so-called constitutional patriotism. The author emphasizes that the German society has established the idea that any positive historical myths cannot become a basis for the genuine development of a country and that an antidote to the repetition of the terrible pages of history is not relegating them to oblivion but immortal memory thereof. Such an approach included an appropriate set of sociopolitical and economic measures ranging from property restitution and lustration to the payment of monetary compensation to victims of the regime and creation of memorial complexes. The author hopes that overcoming the burdensome Nazi and totalitarian past will continue to serve as a powerful guarantee of the democratic progress of modern Germany. Keywords: FRG, GDR, historical memory, World War II, national tragedy, historical heritage.


Author(s):  
Mykhailo Boiko ◽  
Oleksandr Ivanov

As a result of the analysis of the documents of the American Military Administration, agreements, signed at the official governmental level by the representatives of the Allies, personal documents, articles of the German newspaper “Die Zeit” and sociological researches carried out by the scientific institutions, the authors of the article outline the main mechanisms, procedures, institutions for the implementation of the denazification and identify its advantages and disadvantages during the American occupation in 1945-1949. Denazification implemented in the American occupation zone did not remain ineffective. This process also had a shocking effect for the civilians, for it meant “social degradation and humiliation in the eyes of society”. If there was no internal purification of the former criminals, all reinterpreted individuals were now forced to outbrave “political moderation and restraint” and to accept new conditions. With the adoption of democracy “from above” during the transitional justice, there can be no unequivocal answer to the question whether the national socialist dictatorship in Germany could be regarded as successful. The United States of America quickly realized that the future of Germany would depend on both the announced denazification and the economic recovery. The American government approved the adoption of the Basic Law (Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany). In any case, the American policy toward Germany consistently advocated German unity and the integration of a prosperous and strong state, provided that it would become a constituent of a capitalist and democratic international system as a responsible party.


2020 ◽  
pp. 11-33
Author(s):  
Paweł Popieliński ◽  
Piotr Jacek Krzyżanowski

The authors of this article focus on showing the genesis of the situation and the attitude towards Sinti and Roma in the Third Reich and post-war Germany. They deal with the issue of commemorating the persecution and genocide of this community in post-war and reunified Germany. The article also indicates a selection of some of the most important memorial sites in Germany dedicated to Sinti and Roma. The genocide of Sinti and Roma represents an important turning point in their history. In line with the racist policy of the Third Reich, they were outlawed and sentenced to extermination. The subject of the Sinti and Roma extermination was long absent in the public discourse of post-war Germany and in the consciousness of society. While the Federal Republic of Germany recognised the Jewish victims fairly quickly, the Sinti and Roma genocide was ignored. The official version of the narrative stated that Sinti and Roma were persecuted in Nazi Germany not because of racist policies but because of social maladjustment (Asoziale). It was only in the 1980s that places devoted to the persecution and extermination of Sinti and Roma began to be commemorated.The present memory of the victims and the recognition of the rights of Sinti and Roma in Germany are the result of their ethnic mobilisation and long and hard-won campaigns for equal participation in society. Today, the commemoration of the wrongs suffered by Sinti and Roma during the Nazi regime is an important step for German society in dealing with its past.


2021 ◽  

Although more than 75 years have elapsed since the end of the Second World War, the magnitude of crimes and their long-term effects, caused also by lawyers e.g. in German special courts, make the subject of liability of the state in the context of the Second World War ever topical and valid. Historia magistra vitae est, and the process of learning from history should in this case cover not only the years 1933–1945, but also the entire post-war period. Justice was neither restored nor meted out. One of the reasons for the lack of administration of justice was West Germany's conscious policy of personal continuity after the Second World War. The latter was the topic of the Rosenburg Exhibition – the Federal Ministry of Justice of the Federal Republic of Germany in the Shadow of National Socialist Past. The texts grew out of the context of the exhibition and show the far-reaching consequences of War and Nazi crimes in international relations of a legal nature.


Author(s):  
Steven Michael Press

In recognizing more than just hyperbole in their critical studies of National Socialist language, post-war philologists Viktor Klemperer (1946) and Eugen Seidel (1961) credit persuasive words and syntax with the expansion of Hitler's ideology among the German people. This popular explanation is being revisited by contemporary philologists, however, as new historical argument holds the functioning of the Third Reich to be anything but monolithic. An emerging scholarly consensus on the presence of more chaos than coherence in Nazi discourse suggests a new imperative for research. After reviewing the foundational works of Mein Kampf (1925) and Myth of the Twentieth Century (1930), the author confirms Klemperer and Seidel’s claim for linguistic manipulation in the rise of the National Socialist Party. Most importantly, this article provides a detailed explanation of how party leaders employed rhetorical language to promote fascist ideology without an underlying basis of logical argumentation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.


2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-193
Author(s):  
Frank Seberechts

Uit de papieren van jeugdleider John Caremans, die aan de zorgen van het ADVN werden toevertrouwd, krijgen we een duidelijker beeld van de geschiedenis van de Vlaams-nationalistische jeugdbewegingen voor en tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Caremans voert in 1942 in opdracht van zijn oversten ‘verkenningsopdrachten’ uit bij vertegenwoordigers van de nationaal-socialistische jeugdbeweging in Duitsland. Uit het verslag dat Caremans over zijn reizen opstelt en uit de naoorlogse ondervragingen van Caremans en van zijn chef, jeugdleider Edgar Lehembre, blijkt dat deze reizen naar Berlijn slechts een episode vormen in de strijd die gedurende de hele bezetting woedt tussen de verschillende jeugdbewegingen in Vlaanderen en tussen, de verschillende partijen en ideologische strekkingen in de collaboratie. Alle ingrediënten zijn aanwezig: de scepsis van een deel van de Nationaal-Socialistische Jeugd Vlaanderen (NSJV) tegenover de brute nationaal-socialistische machtshonger, het onbegrip en de machtspolitiek van Duitse instanties als het Deutsche Arbeiterfront (DAF) en de Hitlerjugend (HJ) tegenover de buitenlanders – zelfs wanneer die zich in de collaboratie inschakelen, de inmenging van Vlaamsch Nationaal Verbond (VNV) en van de Vlaamsch-Duitsche Arbeidsgemeenschap (DeVlag)/SS. Het wordt duidelijk dat Lehembre en het VNV in deze strijd het onderspit zullen delven.________“Something on behalf of our young people”. John Caremans, Edgar Lehembre, Remi Van Mieghem and the Flemish and German machinations concerning the Flemish nationalist youth movement in 1942.The documents of youth leader John Caremans, which had been entrusted to the care of the ADVN, give a clearer picture of the history of the Flemish Nationalist youth movements before and during the Second World War. In 1942, Caremans was instructed by his superiors to carry out ‘exploratory missions’ among representatives of the National Socialist youth movement in Germany.The report written by Caremans about his travels and post-war interrogations of Caremans and his chief, youth leader, Edgar Lehembre, demonstrate that these trips to Berlin constituted only one episode in the struggle that raged throughout the occupation between the various youth movements in Flanders and between the various parties and ideological trends in the collaboration. All ingredients are present: the scepticism of a part of the National Socialist Youth of Flanders (NSJV) towards the brute National Socialist craving for power, the incomprehension and the power politics of German agencies, like the Deutsche Arbeiterfront (DAF) and the Hitlerjugend (HJ) towards foreigners – even when they engage in collaboration, the interference of the Flemish National Union (VNV) and the Flemish German Labour Community (De Vlag)/SS. It becomes clear that Lehembre and the VNV would come off worst in this combat.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-156
Author(s):  
Eve-Riina Hyrkäs

AbstractIn the Finnish medical discussion during the middle decades of the twentieth century, the challenging differential diagnostics between hyperthyroidism and various neuroses was perceived to yield a risk of unnecessary surgical interventions of psychiatric patients. In 1963, the Finnish surgeon Erkki Saarenmaa claimed that ‘the most significant mark of a neurotic was a transverse scar on the neck’, a result of an unnecessary thyroid surgery. The utterance was connected to the complex nature of thyroid diseases, which seemed to be to ‘a great extent psychosomatic’. Setting forth from this statement, the article aims to decipher the connection between hyperthyroidism, unnecessary surgical treatment and the psychosomatic approach in Finnish medicine. Utilising a wide variety of published medical research and discussion in specialist journals, the article examines the theoretical debate around troublesome diagnostics of functional complaints. It focuses on the introduction of new medical ideas, namely the concepts of ‘psychosomatics’ and ‘stress’. In the process, the article aims to unveil a definition of psychosomatic illness that places it on a continuum between psychological and somatic illness. That psychosomatic approach creates a space with interpretative potential can be applied to the historiography of psychosomatic phenomena more generally. Further inquiry into the intersections of surgery and psychosomatics would enrich both historiographies. It is also argued that the historical study of psychosomatic syndromes may become skewed, if the term ‘psychosomatic’ is from the outset taken to signify something that is all in the mind.


2006 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 1398-1404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leo Sher

The hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis controls the secretion of corticotropin-releasing hormone (CRH), corticotropin (adrenocorticotropic hormone, ACTH), and cortisol. The dexamethasone suppression test (DST) is the most frequently used test to assess HPA system function in psychiatric disorders. Patients who have failed to suppress plasma cortisol secretion, i.e., who escape from the suppressive effect of dexamethasone, have a blunted glucocorticoid receptor response. After CRH became available for clinical studies, the DST was combined with CRH administration. The resulting combined dexamethasone suppression-corticotropin-releasing hormone stimulation (DST–CRH) test proved to be more sensitive in detecting HPA system changes than the DST. There is a growing interest in the use of the DEX-CRH test for psychiatric research. The DEX-CRH test has been used to study different psychiatric conditions. Major depression, alcoholism, and suicidal behavior are public health problems around the world. Considerable evidence suggests that HPA dysregulation is involved in the pathogenesis of depressive disorders, alcoholism, and suicidal behavior. Over the past 2 decades, there has been a shift from viewing excessive HPA activity in depression as an epiphenomenon to its having specific effects on symptom formation and cognition. The study of HPA function in depression, alcoholism, and suicidal behavior may yield new understanding of the pathophysiolgy of these conditions, and suggest new approaches for therapeutic interventions. The combined DEX-CRH test may become a useful neuroendocrinological tool for evaluating psychiatric patients.


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