scholarly journals From Conservatism to Fascism: Oswald Mosley’s Search for the Idea of the National Resurrection of Great Britain

Author(s):  
Д.В. Сараева ◽  
О.В. Захарова

статье анализируется процесс формирования и трансформации политических взглядов Освальда Мосли от консерватизма через социал-демократические идеи к фашизму, который должен был стать движением интенсивного национального патриотизма. Его политические идеи способствовали появлению и легли в основу программ политических партий и организаций Британский союз фашистов, Британский национальный фронт и Британская национальная партия. Общим для этих организаций стала идея о национальном возрождении Великобритании путем радикальных реформ в правительстве и экономике. Проведенное исследование позволило выявить, что Мосли, как и все идеологи фашизма, являлся сторонником активного вмешательства государства во все сферы жизни общества и расширения полномочий органов исполнительной власти. The article analyzes the formation and transformation of Oswald Mosley’s political views from conservatism via social-democracy to fascism which was expected to enhance patriotism and national pride. Mosley’s political ideas promoted and facilitated the formation of political parties and organizations of the British Union of Fascists, British National Front, and the British National Party. All the above-mentioned organizations propagated the idea of the national resurrection of Great Britain through radical reforms in the government and economy. The research shows that Mosley, as well as other ideologists of fascism, was a proponent of active governmental intervention in all the spheres of public life and the extension of powers exercised by government executives.

Author(s):  
Xurshida Ashurova

This article is devoted to the emergence of the Jadid movement inTurkestan and its transformation into the process of politicization. Scientific considerations highlighted the need to promote political ideas for sustainabledevelopment of society. The importance of Mahmudkhodji Behbudi's calls for thecreation of political parties in Turkestan, which came forward with progressive ideas, isdiscussed. 


1953 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Landau

The scarceness of published material renders difficult a true estimate of the development of political ideas in Egypt in the nineteenth century. Nor is it any less difficult to trace the origins of the first political parties.The Arabi Rebellion of 1881-1882 was preceded by a long period of unrest, which finally crystallized in a self-styled National Party. This faction, led by army officers and civilians, kept its secret character for a few years, coming into the open only at the beginning of the Arabi Rebellion. Its importance in the anti-foreign struggle, however, has drawn attention to its humble but interesting origins. Research has provided us with fairly adequate, if still incomplete, material on this point. But hardly anything has been published, on the other hand, about another secret organization of that time, called ‘Young Egypt’.


Author(s):  
Татьяна Чурсина ◽  
Tatyana Chursina

Nowadays it is difficult to imagine a stable political environment without the functioning of political parties in modern democracies. In order to cover new or existing political views and stimulate the formation of new parties, the legislation regulating the activities of political parties is dynamically developing. The state also creates various restrictions on the way to continue the activities of existing parties or the formation of new ones, especially in multi-party democracies, where a multiplicity of parties creates confusion for voters, and can lead to instability in the activities of the government or parliament. For the stable functioning of a political party, there is a need for clearly defined legal requirements that it must follow, and for its registration it must comply with all formalities prescribed by law, including those related to the preparation of a set of documents. These reasons determine the relevance of the problems of legal regulation of registration of political parties. All these processes are observed in Australia, where over the past 30 years have been significant reforms that entailed the legal consolidation of political parties in the electoral process. The requirement for a relatively low membership for the party registration in Australia facilitates the formation of parties that seek to solve local or regional problems, and the possibility of creating representative offices and regional affiliates of political parties contributes to defending regional and local interests without violating the state’s national integrity and unity of the system of state power, as the basis of a federal system. To register the party at the federal level and the level of a number of states, it is also possible to use the rule of “parliamentary representation”. Achieving a balance between different regimes of party registration facilitates the organization of candidates in clearly structured groups, ensuring equal conditions for political competition.


Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

Political parties define the supply of policy choices for voters. This chapter uses the three Candidates to the European Parliament (CEP) studies to determine the political views of elites and thereby the policy positions of their respective parties. As for European citizens, CEPs’ issue opinions are structured by a two-dimensional space defined by the economic and cultural cleavages. The analyses also show that many of the demographic forces, such as social class or religious background, which reshaped public opinion, also influence the views of party elites on both cleavage dimensions. The chapter maps the distribution of national party elites on both cleavages. The analyses are based on CEP studies in 1979, 1994, and 2009.


2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola


Author(s):  
Mykola Trofymenko

Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The British Council is a unique organization. Being technically independent, it actively and efficiently works on consolidating Great Britain’s interests in the world and contributes to the development of public diplomacy in Great Britain.   The author studies the efforts of the British Council as a unique public diplomacy tool of the United Kingdom. Special attention is paid to the role of British Council, which is independent of the governing board and at the same time finds itself under the influence of the latter due to the peculiarities of the appointment of Board’s officials, financing etc. The author concludes that the British Council is a unique organization established in 1934, which is a non-departmental state body, charitable organization and public corporation, technically independent of the government. The British Council, thanks to its commercial activities covers the lack of public funding caused by the policy of economy conducted by the government. It has good practices in this field worth paying attention by other countries. It is also worth mentioning that the increment in profit was getting higher last year, however the issue of increasing the influence of the government on the activities of British Council is still disputable. Although the Foreign Minister officially reports to the parliament on the activities of the British Council, approves the appointment of the leaders of organizations, the British Council preserves its independence of the government, which makes it more popular abroad, and makes positive influence on the world image of Great Britain. The efficiency of the British Council efforts on fulfillment of targets of the United Kingdom public diplomacy is unquestionable, no matter how it calls its activities: whether it is a cultural relations establishment or a cultural diplomacy implementation. Keywords: The British Council, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cultural relations, Foreign Office, Her Majesty’s Government, official assistance for development


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


2009 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hopkin

This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's `nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends.


1857 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 111-116 ◽  

The Trigonometrical Survey of the United Kingdom commenced in the year 1784, under the immediate auspices of the Royal Society; the first base was traced by General Roy on the 16th of April of that year, on Hounslow Heath, in presence of Sir Joseph Banks, then President of the Society, and some of its most distinguished Fellows. The principal object which the Government had then in view, was the connexion of the Observatories of Paris and Greenwich by means of a triangulation, for the purpose of determining the difference of longitude between the two observatories.


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