Failed Ping-Pong Diplomacy between North Korea and the United States: World Table Tennis Champhionships at Pyoungyang and Complexity of DPRK-US Relations

AbstractThe Cold War was an era of ideological conflict and hostility between socialist and capitalist countries. In this period of intense political animosity, the People's Republic of China (PRC) advocated the ideal of .friendship first. in sport. While the so-called .ping-pong diplomacy. of 1971 is well known because it contributed to détente between the PRC and the United States,1 there has been no comprehensive examination of China's Cold War sports policy as a whole. This study addresses this gap.

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Negotiating the Cold War: The United States and the Two Koreas

Journal of American-East Asian Relations ◽

10.1163/187656100793645958 ◽

2000 ◽

Vol 9 (1-2) ◽

pp. 85-105

Author(s):

Steven Hugh Lee

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

North Korea ◽

The United States ◽

Republic Of Korea ◽

Republic Of China ◽

South Korean ◽

Agreed Framework ◽

Peace Settlement ◽

The Republic ◽

The Cold War

AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouraging developments on the peninsula. The 1994 Agreed Framework between the United States and North Korea placed international controls on North Korea’s atomic energy program and cautiously anticipated the normalization of U.S.-DPRK relations. Since assuming power in early 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has vigorously pursued a policy of engagement with P’yo¨ngyang, known as the “sunshine policy.” Over the past decade, North Korea has also reoriented its foreign policy. In the early 1990s, the regime’s social and economic crisis led to a rethinking of its autarkic economic system. By early 1994, the state had created new free trade zones and relatively open foreign investment laws.2 By complying with the Agreed Framework, the DPRK has also shown a willingness to work with the international community on sensitive issues affecting its internal sovereignty and ability to project power beyond its borders.

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Economic Sanctions and North Korea

The American Economist ◽

10.1177/0569434518808016 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 64 (1) ◽

pp. 131-141 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Bob Carbaugh ◽

Koushik Ghosh

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

North Korea ◽

Economic Sanctions ◽

The United States ◽

Economics Students ◽

International Diplomacy ◽

Undergraduate Economics ◽

Bargaining Table ◽

Jel Classifications

The United States has enacted economic sanctions against North Korea since the early 1950s when North Korea attacked South Korea. Can North Korea be pressured into giving up its nuclear weapons? This article discusses the role of economic sanctions as a tool of international diplomacy with North Korea. Using concepts and tools taught in undergraduate economics classes, the article discusses the operation of sanctions and then it applies this analysis to the case of North Korea. The article examines the success that sanctions have achieved in bringing Kim Jong Un to the bargaining table and the difficulties that sanctions encounter in promoting a lasting resolution of the conflict between North Korea and the United States. The article is written for a broad audience of economics students. JEL Classifications: F0, F1

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Political News Discourse Analysis Based on an Attitudinal Perspective of the Appraisal Theory—Taking the New York Times’ Report China-DPRK Relations as an Example

Theory and Practice in Language Studies ◽

10.17507/tpls.0910.15 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 9 (10) ◽

pp. 1357 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Jinxiu Jin

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

New York ◽

North Korea ◽

New York Times ◽

The United States ◽

Appraisal Theory ◽

Political News ◽

News Discourse ◽

History Of ◽

The Relationship

The relationship among China, the United States and North Korea has already been a focus of international politics. From June 19 to 20, North Korea leader Kim Jong-un ended his third visit to China within 100 days. This is also his three consecutive visits to China since he took office in December 2011. The high density and frequency are not only rare in the history of China-DPRK relations, but also seem to be unique in the history of international relations, indicating that China-DPRK relations are welcoming new era. This paper selects the New York Times’ report on China-DPRK relations as an example, which is based on an attitudinal perspective of the appraisal theory to analyze American attitudes toward China. Attitudes are positive and negative, explicit and implicit. Whether the attitude is good or not depends on the linguistic meaning of expressing attitude. The meaning of language is positive, and the attitude of expression is positive; the meaning of language is negative, and the attitude of expression is negative. The study found that most of the attitude resources are affect (which are always negative affect), which are mainly realized through such means as lexical, syntactical and rhetorical strategies implicitly or explicitly. All these negative evaluations not only help construct a discourse mode for building the bad image of China but also are not good to China-DPRK relations. The United States wants to tarnish image of China and destroy the relationship between China and North Korea by its political news discourse.

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Rethinking the Security Architecture of North East Asia

Victoria University of Wellington Law Review ◽

10.26686/vuwlr.v41i2.5229 ◽

2010 ◽

Vol 41 (2) ◽

pp. 273

Author(s):

Michael J Kelly ◽

Sean Watts

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

East Asia ◽

North Korea ◽

The United States ◽

United Nations Security Council ◽

Collective Security ◽

North East ◽

The North ◽

The Government ◽

The Cold War

In the aftermath of the Cold War, many began to question the continuing efficacy, or at least call for reform, of collective security structures such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations Security Council. Yet, North East Asia never enjoyed a formal, institutionalised collective security structure. As Russia and the United States recede and China emerges in North East Asia, this article questions whether now is the time to consider such an arrangement. Financially, Japan and South Korea are locked into a symbiotic relationship with China (as is the United States), while the government in Beijing continues to militarise and lay territorial and maritime claims to large areas of the region. Moreover, the regime in North Korea, with its new nuclear capabilities, remains unpredictable. Consequently, central components to the question of collective security in North East Asia are the equally vexing questions of what to do about North Korea and whether a new formalised security arrangement would include or exclude the People's Republic of China.

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Hedging between the United States and China? South Korea’s ideology-driven behavior and its implications for national security

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific ◽

10.1093/irap/lcab020 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Min-hyung Kim

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

National Security ◽

North Korea ◽

Security Policy ◽

The United States ◽

Security Cooperation ◽

Potential Threat ◽

The Impact ◽

Secondary State ◽

Cooperation Partner

Abstract Given the limits of the prevailing hedging account for Seoul’s puzzling behavior that is in conformity with the interests of its adversary (i.e. North Korea) and potential threat (i.e. China) rather than those of its principal ally (i.e. the United States) and security cooperation partner (i.e. Japan), this article emphasizes the impact of the progressive ideology on Seoul’s security policy. In doing so, it calls for attention to a domestic source of ideology in explaining the security behaviors of a secondary state, which is under-researched and thus is poorly understood.

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America and Security Sponsorship

Good-Bye Hegemony! ◽

10.23943/princeton/9780691160429.003.0005 ◽

2014 ◽

Author(s):

Simon Reich ◽

Richard Ned Lebow

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Empirical Analysis ◽

Drug Policy ◽

North Korea ◽

The United States ◽

Military Assistance ◽

Self Interest ◽

The World ◽

Global Norms ◽

The U.S

This chapter draws on a conceptual and empirical analysis to rethink America's posthegemonic role in the world. While guided by self-interest, the chapter contends that the United States should pursue a strategy that helps to implement policies that are widely supported and are often mooted or initiated by others. It should generally refrain from attempting to set the agenda and lead in a traditional realist or liberal sense. Drawing on Simon Reich's work on global norms, the chapter looks at the success Washington has had in sponsoring—that is, in backing—initiatives originating elsewhere. It examines the successful provision of military assistance to NATO's campaign in Libya, which offers a stark contrast to the U.S. approach to Iraq. The chapter then offers counterfactual cases of U.S. drug policy in Mexico and efforts to keep North Korea from going nuclear.

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