Apprenticeship

Jimmy Reid ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 41-66
Author(s):  
W.W.J. Knox ◽  
A. McKinlay

Chapter two examines the making of a communist activist focussing on the 1952 apprentices' strike in Britain; an event that accelerated Reid's rise within the CPGB. Drawing on autobiographical material of various activists, we emphasise the fact that being a communist involved the complete immersion of one’s self in a political culture whose ties extended way beyond the factory floor or the conference hall into the wider society. Mutual assistance, socialising and politics were fused in Party lives. All of this in a small, embattled political party produced an intimacy that stretched across generations. This helps to explain why leaving the Party, as he did in 1976, was such a 'heart-wrenching' moment for him.


2019 ◽  
Vol IV (IV) ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Muhammad Qasim ◽  
Ahmad Ali

A political alliance is a temporary combination of groups or individuals formed to pursue specific objectives through joint action. Pluralist democracies are characterized by alliances and coalitions by diverse political parties. Political parties, desiring to exercise powers in democracies having parliamentary setups, naturally have to come in coalition with the major political party in parliament. Political parties sometimes make preelection alliances while some make coalitions in the post-election era with the ruling party. Alliance political culture has deep-rooted impacts on Pakistani politics. These alliances gave tough times to military dictators throughout the history of Pakistan and contributed towards strengthening democracy in Pakistan. For instance, Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) was formed on 30th April 1967against Ayub Khan and the Movement for Restoration of Democracy on 8th February 1981. This paper enunciates and explores the politics of coalition in Pakistan before the dismemberment of Bangladesh and its impacts on the consequent events.



2021 ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

Venizelos's arrived in Athens in early September 1910. He addressed the people in a major speech in Constitution Square, making clear that he would work with the King, since 'crowned democracy' best fitted the political culture of the Greek people. He looked to the King to lead the reform program. He announced that he would create a new political party from like-minded people committed to new and liberal ideas. For the rest he condemned the failures of the old political world, over emigration, security, agriculture and industry, indeed across the board, and promised better. The speech quickly acquired mythical status, partly for the forthright way in which he squashed hecklers who cried out for fundamental changes in the constitution (i.e. affecting the prerogatives of the Crown). He defended limited constitutional changes. Foreign affairs hardly featured. This debut was rapidly followed by his appointment as prime minister, following the failure of the old party leaders to pick up the baton, and by his confirmation through new elections which gave him the desired majority in parliament. This was a brilliant start to his political career in Greece.



Author(s):  
Manuel Maroto Calatayud

Resumen: En este artículo vamos a realizar un pequeño recorrido por la financiación ilegal de partidos políticos en España desde la transición política. Aunque nos vamos a centrar en la primera de ellas, se trata en realidad de dos historias, entremezcladas: la primera es la de la “financiación” de los partidos españoles desde la democracia, lo que sus prácticas y dinámicas financieras cuentan acerca de estas formaciones y, en general, acerca del sistema español de partidos. La segunda, la historia de lo “ilegal” en materia de financiación de partidos: cómo las élites políticas han reaccionado a los escándalos, y dónde han ido poniendo la línea divisoria entre lo legítimo y lo ilegítimo. Ambas retratan una democracia nada perfecta: una que, de hecho, a menudo aparenta no tener aspiraciones de perfeccionarse, sino más bien de perseverar en una cultura organizativa y partidista con fuertes anclajes en las deficiencias del sistema de partidos surgido de la transición política.Palabras clave: Financiación ilegal de partidos políticos, corrupción, transición política, cultura política, modelos de partido, democracia interna.Abstract: This paper analyzes the practices of illegal funding of political parties in Spain since the transition to democracy. It involves two different interrelated narrations: the first one has to do with the “funding” of Spanish parties, with how their financial practices and dynamics tells us about some particularities of these political organizations and the Spanish party system. The second narration addresses the history of what is “illegal” regarding political party funding: how political elites have reacted to scandals, and how the line separating legitimate and illegitimate funding practices has evolved. Both approaches describe a far from perfect party democracy: one that, in fact, often seems not to aspire to improvement, but rather to perseverate in organizational party cultures that are strongly rooted in the deficiencies of the party system emerged from the Spanish political transition to democracy.Keywords: Illegal funding of political parties, corruption, Spanish political transition, political culture, political party models, internal democracy.



2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
HyunJun Na

Purpose This paper aims to examine how a firm’s political party orientation (Republican or Democratic), which is measured as the composite index based on the political party leanings of top managers, affects bank loan contracts. This study also investigates how the political culture of local states has a significant impact on loan contracts. Design/methodology/approach This research uses various databases including the Loan Pricing Corporation’s DealScan database, financial covenant violation indicators based on the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) filings, firm bankruptcy filings and political culture index data to examine the impact of political orientation on the cost of debt. This paper also includes the state level of gun ownership and bachelor’s degrees to investigate how local political culture affects the loan contract. To control endogenous concerns, this paper uses an instrumental variable analysis. Findings Firms that have Republican-oriented political identities pay lower yield spreads for the main costs of debt including all-in-spread-drawn and all-in-spread-undrawn. This pattern is consistent with other fees of bank loans. This paper finds that an increase in conservative political policies toward Republican orientations is negatively associated with the cost of debt. The main findings also show that the political culture in the state where the headquarters of the borrowing firm are located plays an important role in bank loan contracts. Originality/value The findings in this paper provide evidence that a firm’s political party orientation significantly affects the loan contract terms in both pricing and non-pricing terms. To the best of the author’s knowledge, this is the first study that shows the importance of political party identification on loan contracts by separating the sample into Republican, neutral and Democratic.



2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Dev Raj Dahal

This paper is an essay about civic values or ‘virtues’, and the need for civic education in contemporary Nepal. It makes an argument for ‘recovering the roots of civil society inNepal’, which the author locates first and foremost in Hindu philosophy. This is necessary as, in its current form, mainstream or ‘elite’ civil society has lost touch with democratic values and the sense of social responsibility that the author refers to as ‘niskam karma’. Divided along political party lines and moved by the pursuit of profit and self-promotion, ‘elite’ civil society has hampered rather than facilitated, progress towards the creation of a modern state in Nepal. Civic education programmes grounded in age-old philosophical traditions in Nepal has the potential to transform current political culture and go some way towards resolving many of Nepal’s present ills.



2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-172
Author(s):  
Robert J. Davidson

Abstract Debates on gay and lesbian advocacy in the Netherlands have often revolved around the role of the political culture of pillarisation in facilitating or hindering the gay and lesbian (GL) social movement. Pillarisation ended, however, just as the GL movement was beginning to gain momentum. In this article, gay and lesbian advocacy is examined from 1986-1994, during which the government engaged in designing a national policy to combat anti-homosexual discrimination. After describing the transition from a political cultural of pillarisation to one of corporatism, I will investigate the extent to which corporatism was extended to the gay and lesbian social movement and structured relations between the government and the gay and lesbian social movement. Last, I will examine the ways in which a political culture of corporatism affected gay and lesbian advocacy. In extending corporatism to the GL social movement, the government created strong partners with whom policy could be negotiated and developed. Incorporation empowered some GL SMOs and secured their ‘place at the table’. Once incorporated into the formal political arena, the SMOs were able to achieve a number of policy advancements, but they also had to compete with much stronger players. Despite the strong position of some GL SMOs, and the COC in particular, some political party opposition to the GL movement resulted in the GL movement’s failure to achieve its most central goal.



2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (22) ◽  
pp. 276-293
Author(s):  
Indra Fauzan ◽  
Zakaria Zakaria

The political culture of the community can be seen from the symbols that are used and the actions of the community. The purpose of this study is to describe the Political Culture of the Birmingham Owner Motorcycle Siantar (BOM'S) Community, which accommodates the owners of Birmingham Small Arm (BSA) motorbikes and Siantar’s Pedicabs using Birmingham Small Arm (BSA) motorbikes in the 2018 Sumatra Utara Governor’s Election and the 2019 Presidential Election. The research method uses a qualitative approach with descriptive type, the research location is in Pematangsiantar City. The research informants use in this study is a purposive technique, that is the key informants of the Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah (KPUD) of Pematangsiantar City, Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum (BAWASLU) of Pematangsiantar City. The main informants are the President, the administrators, and members of the Pematangsiantar City BSA/Birmingham Small Arm Owner Motorcycle (BOM'S) community. Additional informants are political party administrators, namely Partai Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P), Partai Demokrat, Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN) of Pematangsiantar City who knowns the political culture and voter’s behavior of the BSA/Birmingham Small Arm Owner Motorcycle (BOM'S) community in Pematangsiantar City during the Governor’s Election and Deputy Governor of Sumatera Utara in 2018 and the Election of Indonesian President and Vice President in 2019. The results Political Culture of the Birmingham Owner Motorcycle Siantar (BOM'S) Community is participant political culture. The Political Culture of the Participants is inseparable from the history of the establishment of the Birmingham Owner Motorcycle Siantar (BOM'S) community which aims to make the Siantar pedicab (Becak) a cultural heritage object and a tourist vehicle in Pematangsiantar City like "TukTuk" in Thailand and “Jeepney” in the Philippines.



2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 165
Author(s):  
Ella Syafputri

The article examines the similarities and differences in terms of women representation in the parliaments of Indonesia and South Korea. With the methods of literature study, the author constructs the factors inhibiting women's involvement in politics in Indonesia and Korea as a member of the legislature. From 1996 to 2014, Indonesia has more women MPs ratio than Korea. Exceptions only occur in 2004, in which the ratio between women and men in Korea's national parliament surpassed Indonesia. In this article the author argues representation of women in parliament both in Indonesia and South Korea are very influenced by political culture and recruitment system by political party. Both countries apply a minimum quota of women as legislators, as one initiative helps bridging the gender ratio in parliament. However the two Asian countries have not yet succeeded in achieving these targets.



2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-96
Author(s):  
Khadga K.C.

Unless Bangladesh will find credible means to change the political culture within which it function, the viability of democracy will remain doubtful. Though it is about four decades of independence, the history of democracy isn’t worth to value its principles in its actual practice. Bangladesh’s democracy is distorted by the malpractices of political power by her politicians. The quality of democracy in the country has been jeopardized by the immature practices and attitudes by its political party, in or out of power. In fact, the democracy in Bangladesh is deprived within/by the practice of democracy itself. Consequently, democracy becomes fragile and cannot run smoothly with its own spirit. It is now widely accepted that Bangladesh is facing a crisis of governance which originates in malfunctioning of the democratic process. The qualitative deterioration of governance leads to raise lack of concern in pursuing democratic values in practice. The people of this country cannot extract favors from democracy rather their interests become somewhat distorted. In this way the steady failure to get better governance could threaten the sustainability of practicing democracy in Bangladesh repeatedly.



UVserva ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Andrade-Del Cid

El objetivo de este análisis es abundar en el conocimiento de la comunicación política a través del comportamiento de los medios impresos en Veracruz, comparando sus contenidos durante la campaña electoral del 2010 y 2016, para verificar la hipótesis que sostiene que cuando la comunicación política se institucionaliza en escenarios autoritarios, produce efectos que están lejos de promover la deliberación ciudadana.El marco teórico discute la trayectoria del concepto de lo público y el papel de la información para la conformación de la opinión pública como expresión de los temas de la comunicación política, cuyas agendas informativas son representativas.Los resultados ofrecen el número de noticias publicadas por partido político, en seis periódicos impresos veracruzanos y los temas que trataron en ambas contiendas. Se comprueban ciertas características de la comunicación política veracruzana, cuyos contenidos son la expresión de la cultura política autoritaria que prevalece en el estado de Veracruz.Palabras clave: Comunicación política; elecciones 2010-2016; agenda informativa; Veracruz; prensa AbstractThe objective of this analysis is to abound in the knowledge of political commu­nication through the behavior of the printed media in Veracruz, comparing it’s contents for the electoral campaign of 2010 and 2016, to verify the hypothesis that maintains when political communication is institutionalized in authoritarian scenarios, produce effects that are far from promoting citizen deliberation. The theoretical framework describes the tra­jectory of the concept of the public and the role of information for the shaping of public opi­nion as an expression of the issues of political communication, and the information agendas are representative. The results offer the amount of publications published by each political party, in six prin­ted newspapers and in the topics that deal in both contests. Certain characteristics of the Veracruz political communication are verified, whose contents are an expression of the au­thoritarian political culture that prevails in the state of Veracruz.Keywords: Political communication, elections 2010-2016, agenda setting, Veracruz, press



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