Sociological School of Bucharest's Publications and the Romanian Political Propaganda in the Interwar Period

Author(s):  
Bogdan Bucur

This study aims to analyze the ideological orientation of two of the most important interwar Romanian publications endorsed by Academician Dimitrie Gusti and scientifically sanctioned by the Sociological School of Bucharest: Curierul Echipelor Studentesti [Student Teams Courier, issued between 1935 and 1938] and Curierul Serviciului Social [Social Service Courier, issued in 1939]. The two magazines played an important part in strengthening the personality cult of King Carol II (who ruled in Romania between 1930 and 1940) and in legitimizing his regime of monarchical authority, established in February 1938. Moreover, the abovementioned publications were used by the monarchy to support the politico-ideological actions of the Romanian youth enlisted in the mass paramilitary organizations of the time, intended as an alternative to the similar structures of the Legionary Movement (which was experiencing a significant boom in the interwar period). The paramilitary youth organizations of the 1930`s, established under Carol II's regime – mobilizing en masse young people of all ages and levels of education, at first voluntarily and later compulsorily – served as models or precursors for similar structures that would later be set up by the Communist Party, after its accession to power (March 6, 1945 – December 22, 1989) as a result of the Soviet military occupation.

Author(s):  
Ovidiu Dănuț SOARE ◽  

Sociological research during the interwar period was meant to be a way through which the country could be known better, in other words, to make the Romanian realities better known, especially through monographic research, initiated by sociologist D. Gusti, considered to be the starting point of the Romanian Sociological School. After the achievement of the national ideal through the Great Union of 1918, a new ideal was necessary, that could complete the former. The nation was in the process of finding itself. The social problems of the country would be understood by knowing the country. All the enthusiastic forces were called forth to help to raise awareness of the nation, which were to become part of the monographic research teams: school teachers, priests, secondary teachers and professors, doctors, agronomists, mayors and praetors, members of the community centres, and even “the superior religious and civil rulers of the Nation, cultivating an Ethics and a Politics of Truth.” This study presents some aspects of the activity of the Community Centres in the rural area, the presence of the Royal Student Teams and the compulsoriness of the Social Service in the villages.


Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.


Author(s):  
Prasad Nagakumar ◽  
Ceri-Louise Chadwick ◽  
Andrew Bush ◽  
Atul Gupta

AbstractThe COVID-19 pandemic caused by SARS-COV-2 virus fortunately resulted in few children suffering from severe disease. However, the collateral effects on the COVID-19 pandemic appear to have had significant detrimental effects on children affected and young people. There are also some positive impacts in the form of reduced prevalence of viral bronchiolitis. The new strain of SARS-COV-2 identified recently in the UK appears to have increased transmissibility to children. However, there are no large vaccine trials set up in children to evaluate safety and efficacy. In this short communication, we review the collateral effects of COVID-19 pandemic in children and young people. We highlight the need for urgent strategies to mitigate the risks to children due to the COVID-19 pandemic. What is Known:• Children and young people account for <2% of all COVID-19 hospital admissions• The collateral impact of COVID-19 pandemic on children and young people is devastating• Significant reduction in influenza and respiratory syncytial virus (RSV) infection in the southern hemisphere What is New:• The public health measures to reduce COVID-19 infection may have also resulted in near elimination of influenza and RSV infections across the globe• A COVID-19 vaccine has been licensed for adults. However, large scale vaccine studies are yet to be initiated although there is emerging evidence of the new SARS-COV-2 strain spreading more rapidly though young people.• Children and young people continue to bear the collateral effects of COVID-19 pandemic


Focaal ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 2009 (54) ◽  
pp. 89-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Projit Bihari Mukharji

The reflections in this article were instigated by the repeated and brutal clashes since 2007 between peasants and the state government’s militias—both official and unofficial—over the issue of industrialization. A communist government engaging peasants violently in order to acquire and transfer their lands to big business houses to set up capitalist enterprises seemed dramatically ironic. De- spite the presence of many immediate causes for the conflict, subtle long-term change to the nature of communist politics in the state was also responsible for the present situation. This article identifies two trends that, though significant, are by themselves not enough to explain what is happening in West Bengal today. First, the growth of a culture of governance where the Communist Party actively seeks to manage rather than politicize social conflicts; second, the recasting of radical political subjectivity as a matter of identity rather than an instigation for critical self-reflection and self-transformation.


Res Publica ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-562
Author(s):  
Catherine Guillermet ◽  
Johan Ryngaert

Ten years after they were set up, the Italian regions have fallen into general discredit. They are discredited by the central government who regards them as a source of support for the opposing Communist Party and has sought to undermine this reform by depriving the regions of all true autonomy. The regions are discredited by the public opinion by not fulfilling the expectations placed in them. Such an assessment does not stand up to a close examination of regional practices : some geographical differences rapidly become obvious, but especially evident are the political differences. In fact, the regions are the product of an apparent agreement between the political parties and have always suffered from political bargaining which explains the national scale of the issues raised at the last elections. Strengthened by the favorable results obtained in certain regions, the Communist Party was quick to turn this statement of the electoral opinion into a « referendum » about the newly formed Cossiga government.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-165
Author(s):  
Amanda Jeanne Swain

In the aftermath of the street demonstrations in Kaunas in May 1972, Communist Party leaders developed a narrative of the events that downplayed nationalism or political dissent as motivating factors for the unrest. Initially, Soviet authorities blamed marginal elements in society, specifically hooligans and hippies, for instigating what they called a ‘disturbance of public order’. However, the demographics of participants forced Party leaders to explain why young people who were students, workers and even Komsomol members would take to the streets shouting slogans such as ‘freedom for Lithuania’ and ‘freedom for hippies’. As a result, the Communist Party focused on the failure to inculcate Soviet youth with proper ideological values, making them susceptible to manipulation by ‘hostile elements’. In doing so, Party leaders were able to use the political practice of self-criticism to keep the events of May 1972 within acceptable ideological bounds. However, the recognition of its own weaknesses did not stop the Lithuanian Communist Party from blaming other groups, such as parents, schools and cultural organizations, for failing to provide a proper upbringing for Soviet Lithuanian youth. Although cultural and intellectual organizations were only one of the factors blamed for the political immaturity of youth and their susceptibility to corrupting influences, they were the ones to suffer the consequences of the Soviet authorities’ crackdown after the street demonstrations. Through a process of applying and discarding various discursive options, Lithuanian communist officials were able to use Soviet ideological narratives to protect themselves from criticism and to eliminate disruptive cultural and intellectual leaders in Kaunas.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 94-108
Author(s):  
Martin Brestovanský ◽  
Janette Gubricová ◽  
Kristína Liberčanová ◽  
Naďa Bizová ◽  
Zuzana Geršicová

AbstractIntroduction: The aim of the study was to find out what is the understanding of relatively new terms coming into the cultures of Middle-European countries – inclusion, diversity, and equality (hereinafter referred to as IDE) – from the point of view of young people (n=30) and youth workers (n=16) in Slovakia.Methods: For data gathering, we used a method of focus groups (4 meetings). Data analysis was based on three criteria: consistency in understanding the terms, an overview of types of obstacles that keep young people from self-realisation and an explicit or implicit expression of understanding the basic principles of inclusion in education. The content of IDE terms was mostly from the area of the social field. The term diversity was closely explained in the psychological-personal fields.Results: The most frequent obstacles for applying IDE approaches were seen in the social, health and religious spheres. From the pedagogical and methodological point of view, the problem is also in the difficulty of preparing the projects based on the principles of IDE while the youth workers proclaim autonomy in solutions and do not trust the possibilities of using general methods because of specific need resulting from the specific context of their work. Also, they proclaim natural applying of the IDE principles and the existence of specific needs in the informal education does not represent any problem for the inclusion of the group members in the activities of the organisation.Limitations: Work with youth is very varied. Performs in different areas of life and also involves working with different groups of young people. The selected research sample consists of youth and youth workers who are only a partial sample of the sample. It is assumed that in a larger group of respondents (both youth workers and youths themselves), respondents' views may differ somewhat in some of the areas studied.Conclusions: This research provides information on understanding, implementation and obstacles to applying the principles of inclusion, equality and diversity in practice. We believe that the information we receive is very valuable as it opens the imaginative door to the specific kitchens of individual youth organizations where these principles are directly implemented. They show their nature of application in practice, they suggest some risks, as well as a certain bias towards the application of the terms emerging (probably?) from theory. As can be seen from the results of our research, the emergence of specific needs in non-formal education in practice does not pose a problem in the inclusion of group members in leisure activities.


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-26
Author(s):  
Mark Light ◽  
Jessica Falkenthal

The manner that young people and adults are communicating with each other is rapidly changing in society that is, in part, driven by the latest technology. As a youth-driven program, we must engage in new strategies and methods by which we communicate with youth members, volunteers, families, and the community at large. Social and mobile media are a growing and popular venue for much of our target audience and youth development practitioners must learn how to leverage these networks to create positive youth development in online environments. If we ignore and don’t engage in the opportunity to be connected to youth online, then youth are left to make their own paths online and set the online norms. As youth organizations, we also must seize the opportunity to be online mentors and use the resources that are available and being used by our target populations.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Landau-Czajka

In Between. Two Home Countries in the Polish Language Press for Jewish Children in the Second Polish RepublicIn the interwar period in Poland the big Polish-language Jewish journals (Chwila, Nowy Dziennik and Nasz Przegląd) published supplements for children. Two of them (Chwilka and Dzienniczek dla Dzieci i Młodzieży [Diary for children and young people]) were typical magazines for children. The third, the Mały Przegląd [Little review], led initially by Janusz Korczak, became the tribune of its youngest readers. Its content was composed of letters, reports and interviews by young correspondents. All these magazines were directed to children of the accultured Jews, readers of Polish-language Zionist press. It would seem, therefore, that their educational ideals should be similar.How were the patriotic values shown to the Jewish children from the acculturated Zionist families, familiar with Polish culture better than average Jewish children, but raised in cult of Palestine and the return to Eretz? What should be told to the children, if they were to be educated as good patriots? And patriots of what country? How to explain Palestinian patriotism to children who have never seen their country, lived in Poland and spoke Polish? And at the same time – how to explain the Polish patriotism to children who live in a country with a constantly growing anti-Semitism, of which they are only the marginalized, second-class citizens. As a result, the two dailies, almost identical in their views, have supplements presenting a surprisingly different approach to patriotism. The article was based on an analysis of all vintages of Dzienniczek and Mały Przegląd. Pomiędzy. Dwie ojczyzny w pismach dla polskojęzycznych dzieci żydowskich w II RzeczypospolitejW okresie międzywojennym wielkie polskojęzyczne dzienniki żydowskie – „Chwila”, „Nowy Dziennik” i „Nasz Przegląd” wydawały dodatki dla dzieci. Dwa pierwsze, „Chwilka” i „Dzienniczek dla Dzieci i Młodzieży”, były to zwykłe, konwencjonalne pisemka dla dzieci, „Mały Przegląd” kierowany początkowo przez Janusza Korczaka, stał się trybuną swoich najmłodszych czytelników, a jego treść złożona była z listów, reportaży i wywiadów młodych korespondentów. Wszystkie pisemka kierowane były do dzieci akulturowanych Żydów, czytelników polskojęzycznej syjonistycznej prasy. Wydawało by się zatem, że ideały wychowawcze powinny być zbliżone.Jak dzieciom żydowskich z rodzin akulturowanych i syjonistycznych – a więc zarazem znających polską kulturę lepiej niż przeciętne żydowskie dzieci, ale wychowywanych w kulcie Palestyny i powrotu do Erec, ukazywano wartości patriotyczne? Cóż zatem należało mówić dzieciom, jeśli chciało się je wychować na dobrych patriotów? I jakiego kraju patriotów? Jak wytłumaczyć palestyński patriotyzm dzieciom, które nigdy swojego kraju nie widziały, żyły w Polsce, mówiły po polsku? I jednocześnie – jak wytłumaczyć polski patriotyzm dzieciom, które mieszkają w kraju o stale rosnącym antysemityzmie, którego są obywatelami, ale obywatelami drugiej kategorii, spychanymi na margines? W rezultacie dwa pisma wyrastające z dwóch niemal identycznych w poglądach dzienników prezentowały zaskakująco różne podejście do patriotyzmu. Artykuł oparty został na analizie wszystkich roczników „Dzienniczka” i „Małego Przeglądu”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Adif Fahrizal

This article discusses the spread of Islam in the city and the neighborhood of Surakarta, Central Java during the New Order period. The spread of Islam took place through massive Islamic religious activities, such as mass prayer. In addition, the expansion of the number of mosques and mushola (Islamic praying sites) indicates a massive expansion of the influence of Islam in the region. Based on data from newspapers and interviews with relevant informants of the time, this article found out that the spread of Islam in Surakarta was a political agenda set up by the New Order government in order to counter the remnants of Communist ideology, which was withheld by sympathizers of the then Indonesian Communist Party. This article concludes that the massive spread of Islam shaped Surakarta, which had been known as the center of syncretic Javanese culture, to become religious and the government’s fear of Communism could be reduced. However, the process also made a sharp dichotomy between Islamist-based and Javanese-based identity of the city.


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