How the Government to Strengthen the Construction of Electronic Government by the Means of the New Media

2014 ◽  
Vol 556-562 ◽  
pp. 6458-6461
Author(s):  
Li Hou ◽  
Jian Jiao ◽  
Bang Fan Liu

Comparing with the tradition media, the emerging media grounded in the new technology has more technological advantages and more expansive prospect in terms of application. The emerging media is significant for the construction of e-Government. The government should take advantage of the platform of emerging media to actively promote the disclosure of information, to build the mechanism of dialogue to strengthen the democracy of political decision-making, and to listen to the voice of the public and promote the network supervision.

Author(s):  
Zoe Oxley

Political communicators have long used framing as a tactic to try to influence the opinions and political decisions of others. Frames capture an essence of a political issue or controversy, typically the essence that best furthers a communicator’s political goals. Framing has also received much attention by scholars; indeed, the framing literature is vast. In the domain of political decision making, one useful distinction is between two types of frames: emphasis frames and equivalence frames. Emphasis frames present an issue by highlighting certain relevant features of the issue while ignoring others. Equivalence frames present an issue or choice in different yet logically equivalent ways. Characterizing the issue of social welfare as a drain on the government budget versus a helping hand for poor people is emphasis framing. Describing the labor force as 95% employed versus 5% unemployed is equivalency framing. These frames differ not only by their content but also by the effects on opinions and judgements that result from frame exposure as well as the psychological processes that account for the effects. For neither emphasis nor equivalence frames, however, are framing effects inevitable. Features of the environment, such as the presence of competing frames, or individual characteristics, such as political predispositions, condition whether exposure to a specific frame will influence the decisions and opinions of the public.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sveinung Arnesen ◽  
Troy S Broderstad ◽  
Mikael P Johannesson ◽  
Jonas Linde

This conjoint study investigates the type of mandate a referendum confers in the political decision-making process. While a majority of citizens in general believe that the government should follow the results of a referendum on European Union membership, its perceived legitimacy in the eyes of the public heavily depends upon the level of turnout, the size of the majority, and the outcome of the specific referendum in question. Thus, whether a referendum legitimizes a political decision in the eyes of the public is conditional upon these three dimensions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-91
Author(s):  
M.Yu. Martynova ◽  
◽  
D.M. Feoktistova ◽  
◽  

the author analyzes the problems of the activity and development of the political elite. The current political situation in Russia puts forward new requirements for the functioning of the management system of state institutions and determines the need for professionally trained, highly moral personnel of the modern political elite. The paper considers the possibility of introducing modern and progressive mechanisms of interaction between the government and society – crowdsourcing, which involves the wide involvement of citizens with an active civic position and public associations in the process of public discussion and political decision-making.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
John Gastil ◽  
Katherine R. Knobloch

Citizens are often asked to make decisions about ballot measures, but they rarely have access to reliable information with which to make those decisions. This chapter tells the story of Seattle’s failed monorail project to explain the problems voters face when figuring out how to cast their vote. It introduces a new governing institution that could help solve that dilemma, the Citizens’ Initiative Review (CIR). The CIR gathers together a small group of citizens to deliberate about a ballot measure and then pass along their findings for voters to use when making their own decisions. The CIR continues the tradition of experimental democracy, which seeks to improve the ways that citizens govern themselves. The CIR, and deliberative institutions like it, attempt to empower the public by introducing reliable information into political decision making.


2019 ◽  
pp. 147737081988290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilia Hansen Löfstrand

This article examines how and why marketization of policing may occur in a historically state-centred policing context in the absence of governmental policy promoting privatization and marketization. In Sweden, a community-level marketization is increasingly becoming the new norm. It is a result of a political mobilization by the private security industry, characterized by an association of private security with the public interest in safety, an absence of national political decision-making, and pragmatic local initiatives to increase public safety, but it results in the dispersion of political decision-making that fails to ensure democratic governance of policing and security provision.


Subject The outlook for constitutional reform and presidential re-election. Significance Since the government announced its intention to revise the constitution to allow President Rafael Correa to seek re-election in 2017, the opposition has resisted the move. Various parties and coalitions have attempted to call a referendum on the issue using mechanisms in the 2008 constitution to enable greater public participation in political decision-making. The government has used its influence over public institutions to block a referendum, fearing defeat at the polls. The outcome of the conflict remains unclear six months on from when the proposal was first announced. Impacts The fragmentation of the opposition will bolster government attempts to rebuff demands for a referendum. Denying the public the opportunity to vote on constitutional reform will undermine the legitimacy of the president and government. The economic fallout from low oil prices will complicate the government's political situation and allow for opposition gains.


Author(s):  
N N Yagodka

The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of civic initiatives in Russia, as well as their role in establishing dialogue between the government and the civil society. By the means of activity approach, the author analyzes trends in the development of civic initiatives, describes the basic sites and platforms for transmission initiatives to the government and municipal authorities, as well as examines the reasons hampering the development of civic activism in modern Russia. The author concludes that there is potential to enhance the role of civic initiatives in development and political decision-making.


2002 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
António Costa Pinto

This article considers four dictatorships that have each been associated with European fascism: Portuguese Salazarism, Spanish Francoism, Italian Fascism and German National Socialism. It seeks to ascertain the ‘locus’ of political decision-making authority, the composition and the recruitment channels of the dictatorships' ministerial elites during the fascist era. The interaction between the single party, the government, the state apparatus and civil society appears fundamental if we are to achieve an understanding of the different ways in which the various dictatorships of the fascist era functioned. The party and its ancillary organisations were not simply parallel institutions: they attempted to gain control of the bureaucracy and select the governing elite – forcing some dictatorships towards an unstable equilibrium in the process, even while they were the central agents for the creation and maintenance of the leader's charismatic authority. The article focuses on an analysis of the gradations of these tensions that may be illustrated by the eventual emergence of a weaker or stronger ‘dualism of power’. This ‘dualism of power’ appears to be the determining factor in explanations for the typological and classificatory variations used to qualify those dictatorships that have been historically associated with fascism, and which have been variously defined as ‘authoritarian’ and ‘totalitarian’, or as ‘authoritarian’ and ‘fascist’.


Author(s):  
Lyubov Shishelina ◽  

The article analyzes the last stage of the confrontation between Budapest and Brussels, which this year marks at least 10 years. this means that out of Hungary’s 16 years of membership in the European Union, 10 years have not been easy – in periodically recurring disputes about its right to independence in political decision-making. The most tragic was the last two-thirds of the way, when the government of permanent FIDESZ leader Viktor Orban came to power in Hungary, having received two-thirds of the votes in parliament, which tried for the first time during the reform period to make comprehensive changes to the country’s fundamental documents. at least twice, the country was on the verge of applying article 7 of the Lisbon treaty, for which it was one of the first to vote in 2009. in 2020, immediately after the re-election of the European parliament, the discussion about Hungary’s inconsistency with the EU’s value area resumed, taking on a tragic framework towards the end of the year, when Hungary, together with Poland, was forced to pay attention to the problem of its certain «otherness» by vetoing the EU’s budget plans.


Author(s):  
Shirin Ahlbäck Öberg ◽  
Helena Wockelberg

Recurring themes relating to the central constitutional principles of the public sector and the courts can be summarized asadministrative dualism(administrative agencies are organized in separate units outside the ministries) andinstitutional autonomy. The scope of the dual Swedish administrative model, as well as how much institutional autonomy government agencies and the courts are granted by the Constitution, have been strongly debated. These debates exemplify what we refer to as “the Swedish Constitution as a story of unresolved issues.” Paradoxically, substantial constitutional reforms in this area rarely come about due to regular constitutional reform-making in Sweden. Instead, they are often the result of formally less demanding political decision-making.


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