Islamic philosophy, modern

Author(s):  
Parviz Morewedge ◽  
Oliver Leaman

There are a number of major trends in modern Islamic philosophy. First, there is the challenge of the West to traditional Islamic philosophical and cultural principles and the desire to establish a form of thought which is distinctive. From the mid-nineteenth century onwards, Islamic philosophers have attempted to redefine Islamic philosophy; some, such as Hasan Hanafi and Ali Mazrui, have sought to give modern Islamic philosophy a global significance and provide an agenda for world unity. Second, there is a continuing tradition of interest in illuminationist and mystical thought, especially in Iran where the influence of Mulla Sadra and al-Suhrawardi has remained strong. The influence of the latter can be seen in the works of Henry Corbin and Seyyed Hossein Nasr; Mulla Sadra has exercised an influence over figures such as Mahdi Ha’iri Yazdi and the members of Qom School, notably Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The philosopher Abdul Soroush has introduced a number of concepts from Western philosophy into Iran. Finally, there have been many thinkers who have adapted and employed philosophical ideas which are originally non-Islamic as part of the normal philosophical process of seeking to understand conceptual problems. This is a particularly active area, with a number of philosophers from many parts of the Islamic world investigating the relevance to Islam of concepts such as Hegelianism and existentialism. At the same time, mystical philosophy continues to exercise an important influence. Modern Islamic philosophy is thus quite diverse, employing a wide variety of techniques and approaches to its subject.

Author(s):  
Giovanna Lelli

The study of medieval Islamic philosophy is necessary in order to understand Islamic thought, both medieval and contemporary. I propose that the distinction within Islamic thought between two great paradigms, the Avicennian and the Averroistic, is a fertile approach. It is true that in the field of Islamic poetics and rhetoric we find nothing that corresponds to the philosophical and religious opposition between Avicennism and Averroism. Nevertheless, in the medieval Islamic world, besides the official rhetoric which was linked to the legal culture, we can find several elements of these two great cultural paradigms even in the theory of literature. Today, a renewed interest in Islamic aesthetics and philosophy might help the West recompose its fragmented postmodernism, while it could in turn help the Islamic world construct a new, critical and non-fundamentalist approach to its classical authors.


Itinerario ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. A. Bootsma

Western expansion in Asia during the nineteenth and early twentieth century resulted in two different groups of Asian countries: those which fell victim to European colonialism and those which managed to maintain the basis of their sovereign rights. This contribution will concentrate on the second group, including not only the countries of the so-called Far East but those of the Middle Eastern Ottoman Empire as well. The link between these two otherwise separate worlds is the concept of consular jurisdiction. It originated in the Islamic world and was transplanted by the West to China, Japan and Siam in the second half of the nineteenth century. In the twentieth, it became the touchstone in the relations of the Asian countries with the West in their struggle for equality.


1996 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 257-278
Author(s):  
B. Marie Perinbam

Given its enduring association with “civilized Africa,” “urban Africa,” “rich Africa,” and “commercial Africa,” it is hardly surprising that the trans-Saharan salt-gold trade caught the imagination of Arab authors between the eighth and sixteenth centuries. We recall, for example, that al-Ya'qubi (872/73), the principal source on the Mande empire of Ghana before al-Bakri's Kitab al-masalik wa-'lmamalik (1067/68) first revealed “commercial Africa” to the Islamic world, drawing attention to the two major trans-Saharan routes leading south to the Sudan from Zawila in the east and Sijilmasa in the west, both roads eventually conjoining at the kingdom of Ghana, an ancient heartland of the Mande world. Or that Ibn Hawqal (988) astonished the Islamic world with accounts of “rich Africa” by thrice repeating (at least) his story of the promissory note for 42,000 dinars owed by one Muhammad b. Abi Sa'dun—a salt-gold trade from Awdaghost dealing with the Soninke of Ghana—to his counterpart(s) in Sijilmasa. Or that al-Bakri (1068) confirmed the stories of “urban Africa” with his account of Sijilmasa, the trading entrepot “built in the year 575-758,” and surrounded by “numerous suburbs with lofty mansions and other splendid buildings (where) there are also many gardens.” Or that traveling south from Sijilmasa to Mali—a later heartland of the Mande world—Ibn Battuta (1355), not in the least impressed with Taghaza (the western Sahara's major saline), nonetheless acknowledged as its only virtue the “qintar upon qintar of gold” arriving there from the Malian mines, which Taghaza's inhabitants (“slaves of the Masufa,” he sniffed) exchanged for salt.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 05003
Author(s):  
Marina Shirokova

The article examines the question of the degree of influence the Western philosophy has on the philosophical concept of the founders of Slavophilism and the related question of the degree of independence of the philosophy of the Slavophils. The view is expressed that the problem of national identity, which became key to the Slavophile authors, was actively discussed at the beginning of the nineteenth century in the countries of Europe and from there penetrated into the Russian thought. It is said that the Slavophiles used the categorical apparatus and methodology of German classical philosophy, primarily the ideas of Hegel and Schelling. A comparison of the views of representatives of Slavophilism and Western European romanticism is conducted. The author concludes that the influence of Western philosophy on the concept of Slavophiles is undeniable, but the complex of Slavophilism ideas cannot be considered secondary to European ideas. The Slavophiles saw their task in creating an independent Russian philosophy, in which the synthesis of the cultures of Russia and the West on the basis of common moral values could be achieved.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-52
Author(s):  
Sajjad Rizvi

Abstract The reception of Mullā Ṣadrā in South Asia began soon after his death through the dissemination and commentary culture on his Sharḥ al-Hidāyah that was adopted into the Dars-e Niz̤āmī pedagogy in the eighteenth century. However, the modern reception of his thought in Urdu has been somewhat removed from that initial scholastic engagement. I examine four modalities of this reception: translation of his major work the Asfār; analytic engagement by a philosophy doctorate; triumphalism in the literary sphere; and responses to the intellectual challenge of the West by a Shiʿi seminary student. I attempt to show that these varied receptions are indicative of trends and developments in the modern intellectual history of Pakistan.


1968 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 315-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas R. H. Havens

One of the interesting questions concerning the Meiji Restoration of 1868 is the degree to which the Western-oriented intellectuals of Japan compromised their scholarly curiosity about European civilization by serving the pre-Restoration Tokugawa government and its successor, the Meiji oligarchy. In what ways might their duties as civil servants colour their objectivity in studying the newly found academic disciplines of the West? What tensions did late Tokugawa and early Meiji scholar-bureaucrats perceive between their investigations of European knowledge and their service in a partisan regime? An examination of the career of Nishi Amane (1829–1897), who was an important scholar of Western philosophy as well as a bureaucrat in both the Tokugawa and Meiji governments, casts some light on the problem of the intellectual as public servant in early modern Japan. This study will concentrate on three important events in Nishi's life: his decision to flee his feudal clan in order to study the West in 1854; his refusal to join the Restoration movement in 1868; and his defence of the idea that scholars could serve the new state without compromising their objectivity in 1874.


1999 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Kalin

The World Congress on Mulla S a b was held May 22-27, 1999, inTehran, Iran. Sponsored by the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Congress drewmore than three hundred local and intemational speakers who presentedpapers on various aspects of the philosophy of Sadr al-Din Shirazi (d.l o ) , commonly known as Mulla Sadra. The scope of the Congress, however,was not confiied to the philosophy of Mulla Sadra, papers with otherpoints of interest and focus were also presented. The Congress can bedescribd as consisting of three concentric circles: the first, focusing exclusivelyon Sadrean studies; the second, ranging from Islamic philosophy toSdism and kafam; and the third, extending to subjects as diverse asMuslims in China and Western philosophy. In addition to Islamic thought,there was also a sepamte section on Western philosophy, primarily focusingon analytic philosophy, in which many Westem scholars and philosophersMcipated.The Congress began with a reading of a brief welcome speech by thedirector of the Congress, Ayatollah Muhammad Khamanei. The keynoteaddress, and the concluding speech of the day, was delivered by Iranianpresident Muhammad Khatami, who talked about the importance ofIslamic philosophy in general and Sadra's thought in particular for thefuture of Islamic world.For the remainder of the Congress, each day, four simultaneous sessionswere conducted in the Conference Hall of the Organization of IslamicConference (OIC). The Islamic philosophy section, which was the mainbody of the Congress, was divided into four major subdivisions:Transcendent Philosophy of Mulla Sadra, Comparative Philosophy,Islamic Philosophy, and Gnosis and Sufism. Here the speakers focused onvarious aspects of the philosophy of Mulla Sadra, ranging from his ontologyand epistemology to his eschatology and commentaries on Qur'anicverses. Mulla Sadm, who is considered to be one of the most impom figuresof the post-Avicennan Islamic philosophy, was both an originalthinker and a first-rate historian of philosophy. With his notion of the primacyof being (asah af-wujud) and his celebrated idea of substantial ...


2002 ◽  
pp. 106-110
Author(s):  
Liudmyla O. Fylypovych

Sociology of religion in the West is a field of knowledge with at least 100 years of history. As a science and as a discipline, the sociology of religion has been developing in most Western universities since the late nineteenth century, having established traditions, forming well-known schools, areas related to the names of famous scholars. The total number of researchers of religion abroad has never been counted, but there are more than a thousand different centers, universities, colleges where religion is taught and studied. If we assume that each of them has an average of 10 religious scholars, theologians, then the army of scholars of religion is amazing. Most of them are united in representative associations of researchers of religion, which have a clear sociological color. Among them are the most famous International Society for the Sociology of Religion (ISSR) and the Society for Scientific Study of Religion (SSSR).


1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
John Obert Voll

The relationships between Islam and the West are complex. Even theperceptions of those relations have an important impact on the nature ofthe interactions. If the basic images that are used in discussing “Islam andthe West” are themselves ill-defiied or viewed in inconsistent ways, therelationships themselves are affected in sometimes dangerous ways.Inconsistent and contradictory terms of analysis can lead to misunderstandingand conflict.One of the most frequent conceptual mistakes made in discussingIslam and the West in the modem era is the identification of “the West”with “modemity.” This mistake has a significant impact on the way peeple view the processes of modernization in the Islamic world as well as onthe way people interpret the relationships between Islam and the West inthe contemporary era.The basic generalizations resulting from the following analysis can bestated simply: 1) “modernity“ is not uniquely “western”; 2) “the West” isnot simply “modernity”; and 3) the identifixation of “the West” with“modemity” has important negative consequences for understanding therelationships between Islam and the West. Modernity and the West aretwo different concepts and historic entities. To use the terms interchangeablyis to invite unnecessary confusion and create possible conflict’andinconsistency. This article will address the problem of definition and theapplication of the defined terms to interpreting actual experiences andrelationships.Understanding the difficulties raised by the identification of theWest with modernity involves a broader analysis within the frameworkof world history and global historical perspectives. In such an analysis, ...


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